A Short Historical Background of Arakan
( Mohammed Ashraf Alam )
Introduction
ARAKAN, once a sovereign and independent State, is now one of the states of the Union of Burma. The Arakan
State comprises a strip of land along the eastern coast of the Bay of
Bengal from the Naf River to Cape Negaris and stretches north and south
touching Bangladesh on the Northwest. The river Naf separates it from
Chittagong region of Bangladesh.1 It is cut off from Burma by a range of
near impassable mountains known as Arakan Yomas running north to south, which was an obstacle against permanent Muslim conquest. The northern part of Arakan, today called the “North Arakan,”
was point of contact with East Bengal. These geographical facts explain
the separate historical development of that area – both generally and
in terms of its Muslim population until the Burmese king Bodaw Paya
conquered it on 28th December 1784 AD.2 Under different periods of
history Arakan had been an independent sovereign monarchy ruled by Hindus, Buddhists and Muslims.
The Etymology of Arakan and Rohang
The word Arakan is definitely of
Arabic or Persian origin having the same meaning in both these
languages. It is the corruption of the word Arkan plural of the word
Al-Rukun. There exists some controversy about the origin of the name of ‘Arakan’ on which traditional and legendary sources differ. In fact, the name of Arakan is of much antiquity. In Ptolemy’s Geografia (150 AD) it was named ‘Argyre’. Early Buddhist missionaries called Arakan
as ‘Rekkha Pura’. In the Ananda Chandra stone pillar of Chandra dynasty
(8th Century) at Shitthaung Pagoda in Mrauk-U the name of Arakan
was engraved as “Arakades’s”. In a Latin Geography (1597 AD) by Peta
Vino, the country was referred to as ‘Aracan’. Friar Manrique (1628-43
AD) mentions the country as ‘Aracan’. 3
In the work of Arab geographer Rashiduddin (1310 AD) it appears as
‘Rahan or Raham’. The British travellers Relph Fitch (1586 AD) referred
the name of Arakan as ‘Rocon’. In the Rennell’s map (1771 AD), it is ‘Rassawn’. Tripura Chronicle Rajmala mentions the name of Arakan as ‘Roshang’. In the medieval works of the poets of Arakan
and Chittagong, like Quazi Daulat, Mardan, Shamser Ali, Quraishi Magan,
Alaol, Ainuddin, Abdul Ghani and others, they frequently referred to Arakan
as ‘Roshang’, ‘Roshanga’, ‘Roshango Shar’, and ‘Roshango Des’. Famous
European traveller Francis Buchanam (1762-1829 AD) in his accounts
mentioned Arakan as “Reng, Roung, Rossawn, Russawn,
Rung”. In one of his accounts, “A Comparative Vocabulary of some of the
languages spoken in the Burman Empire” it was stated that, “ the native
Mugs of Arakan called themselves ‘Yakin’, which name is
also commonly given to them by the Burmese. The people of Pegu are
named ‘Taling’. By the Bengal Hindus, at least by such of them as have
been settled in Arakan, the country is called Rossawn. The Mahammedans who have long settled at Arakan call the country ‘Rovingaw’ and called themselves ‘Rohinga’ or native of Arakan. The Persians called it ‘Rkon’.” The Chakmas and Saks of 18th century called it ‘Roang’. Today the Muslims of Arakan call the country ‘Rohang’ or ‘Arakan’
and call themselves ‘Rohingya’ or native of Rohang. The Maghs call
themselves ‘Rakhine’ and call the country ‘Rakhine Pye’ or country of
Rakhine.4
The Land and the People
The total area of Arakan is about 20,000 square miles. But Arakan Hill-tracts District (5235 square miles) and southern most part of Arakan were partitioned from Arakan. So, it has now been reduced to 14,200 square miles.5 The earliest inhabitants of Arakan
belong to the Negrito group. They are mentioned in the Arakanese
Chronicle as Rakkhasas or bilus (cannibals). They appear to be Neolithic
descendants of the people of Arakan but no trace of them has yet been discovered in Arakan. At present two major ethnic races, the Rohingyas and the Rakhines (Maghs) inhabit in Arakan.
The Rohingyas are Muslims and the Rakhines are Buddhists. Its
unofficial total population now is more than 5 million, both inside and
outside the country. At present, the Rohingyas and the Rakhines stand
almost in equal proportion inside Arakan. In addition there are about 2 lakhs tribal people [Saks, Dinets (Chakmas) and Mros (Kamais)] and 2 lakhs Burman people in Arakan.6 Polygamy and early
marriage enhance the population growth of Rohingyas. The growth rate is
much lower among the Buddhist population because of monogamy, late
marriage and celibacy. The Rohingyas are mostly concentrated in the
riparian plains of Naf, Mayu and Kaladan. Arakan is the
only Muslim majority province among the 14 provinces of Burma. Out of
the 7 million Muslim population of Burma half of them are in Arakan.7
The Early History
Possibly the history of Arakan can
be classified in the following manner into 10 periods: (1) 100-788 AD
(Some Hindu dynasties), (2) 788-957 AD (Chandra Hindu dynasty), (3)
957-1430 (A Chaotic period of Mongolians, Buddhists and Muslims), (4)
1430-1784 AD (Mrauk-U dynasty of Muslims & Buddhists), (5) 1784-1826
AD (Burman Buddhist Rule), (6) 1826-1948 AD (British Colonial Rule),
(7) 1948-1962 (Parliamentary Democracy Rule), (8) 1962-1974 AD
(Revolutionary Military Government Rule), (9) 1975-1988 (One Party
Socialist Programme Party Government Rule), (10) 1988-1999 AD
(SLORC/SPDC Military Government Rule).
Under different periods of history, Arakan had been
an independent and sovereign monarchy ruled by Hindus, Buddhists and
Muslims. According to A. P Phayer and G.E. Harvey, the Arakanese kings
established alternately capitals in eight different towns, transferring
from one to another. They were successively at Dinnyawadi, 25 kings
(146-746 AD); Vesali, 12 kings (788-994 AD); First Pyinsa (Sanbawut), 15
kings (1018-1103 AD); Parin, 8 kings (1103-1167 AD); Krit, 4 kings
(1167-1180 AD); Second Pyinsa, 16 kings (1180-1237 AD); Launggyet, 17
kings (1237-1433 AD) and Mrauk-U, 48 kings (1433-1785 AD). 8
Buddhism would seem to have reached Arakan long
before its arrival in the interior of Burma. The famous Mahamuni image
of Lord Buddha, usually placed in the Shrine at Shiri Gupta hill of
Dinnyawadi, an old capital and some 21 miles north of Mrauk-U may be
dated from the early centuries of the Christian era.
Mahamuni image was built by the king Sandathuriya (146-198 AD). There
was Hindu god, which indicated that Arakan was a Hindu land until 10th century AD. According to Morris Collis, the Hindu ruled Arakan from 1st century to 10th century. At that time Arakan
was the gate of Hindu India to contact with the countries of the East.
But the Arakanese Rakhine chronicles claim that the kingdom of
Dinnyawadi was founded in the year 2666 BC, and contain lists of kings
beginning with that date.9
Inscriptions mention a Chandra dynasty, which may have been founded as early
as the end of 8th century. Its capital was called by the Indian name of
Vaisali, and thirteen kings of the dynasty are said to have reigned
there for a total period of 230 years.10 The city of Vesali was founded
in 788 AD by king Mahataing Sandya. The ruins of the city are still to
be seen on the bank of a tidal creek about 44 miles inland from the Bay
of Bengal (from Akyab City). This city became a noted trade port to
which as many as a thousand ships came annually. The Chandara kings
extended their territory as far north as Chittagong; the dynasty came to
an end in 957 AD being overwhelmed by a Mongolian invasion. Vesali was
an easterly Hindu kingdom of Bengal. Both government and people is
Indian similar to that of Bengal.11
Before the arrival of Islam in Arakan, the people of
Vesali professed Hinduism and Buddhism. Later they abandoned Hinduism
and professed Buddhism and Islam. Inside the palace compound of Vesali
there were many stone plates inscribed in Nagri. The Vesali kings also
melted good silver coins. Stamped on them are the bull, Nandi, the
avatar of Siva; Siva’s trident; and shred of flowers melted with Bhraman
civilization.12
The arrival of Arabs and Islam in Arakan
The Arab Muslims first came in contact with the
Indian Sub-continent and South East Asia through trade and commerce.
From the time long past, spices, cotton fabric, precious stones,
minerals and other commodities from South and South East Asia were of
great demand in the oriental and European countries. The Arabs as
seafaring nation almost monopolised this trade between the south and
South East Asia on the one hand, the oriental North Africa and European
countries on the other. The Arab merchants carried goods to the ports of
Mascot and that of Serif on the two side of the Persian Gulf, Basra,
Yemen, Jeddah, Qulzum (Suez), for exchange with the goods of the
merchants of the Middle Eastern, Central Asian, North African and
European countries. For about eight centuries the Arabs monopolised the
trade between the East and the West. The Arabs were born traders, and
after the introduction of Islam they became a great maritime people.
Their profound knowledge in navigation, in the Science of Latitude and
Longitude, in astronomical phenomena and in the geography of the
countries they visited made them unrivalled in mercantile activities in
the Indian Ocean for centuries together. The Arabs used to write about
the places that they had visited which indicate their arrivals at East
and the West of the world.13
There are frequent references to the Arab Muslims settlers in the coastal regions of Arakan from the 8th century onward. On the basis of the various Arab and Persian sources Mr. Siddiq Khan states as follow: 14
“To the maritime Arabs and Persians the various ports of the land of Burma, and more specially the coastal regions of Arakan…
were well known. Naturally, therefore, when from the 8th century
onwards, Muslims traders and navigators were spreading over the eastern
seas from Egypt and Madagascar to China, and forming commercial
settlements at points of vantage, the coastal regions of Burma were not
overlooked. Originally, the intention of these traders and sailors had
not been to establish permanent colonies, but owing to peculiar
circumstances these acquired the nature of permanent settlements.”
Mohammed Hanifa and Queen Kaiyapuri
The Arab Muslim traders had good contacts with Arakan
(Rahambori Island), Burma, Indochina, Indonesia, Malay etc. with their
trade and they propagated the religion of Islam in those countries. The
arrival of Mohammed Hanif son of Hazarat Ali (R.A) to Arakan is also narrated in a book written in 16th century by Shah Barid Khan named Hanifa O Kaiyapuri.
“In 680 AD after the war of ‘Karbala’ Mohammed Hanofiya with his army arrived at Arab-Shah Para, near Maungdaw in the Northern Arakan, while Kaiyapuri, the queen of Cannibals ruled this hilly deep forest attacking and looting the people of Arakan.
Mohammed Hanif attacked the Cannibals and captured the queen. She was
converted to Islam and married to him. Her followers embraced Islam en
masse. Mohammed Hanif and the queen Kaiyapuri lived in Mayu range. The
peaks where they lived were still known as Hanifa Tonki and Kaiyapui
Tonki. The wild cannibals were tamed and became civilised. Arakan
was no more in danger of them and peace and tranquillity prevailed. The
followers of Mohammed Hanif and Kaiyapuri were mixed up and lived
peacefully.”15 The descendants of these mixed people no doubt formed the
original nucleus of the Rohingya Muslims in Arakan.
According to the British Burma Gazetteers, “About 788 AD Mahataing
Sandya ascended the throne of Vesali, founded a new city (Vesali) on the
site of old Ramawadi and died after a reign of twenty two years. In his
reign several ships were wrecked on Rambree Island and the crews, said
to have been Mohamedans, were sent to Arakan Proper and settled in villages. They were Moor Arab Muslims.”16
The Shrines of “Babazi Sha Monayem of Ambari”, “Pir Badar Sha”
(Badar-Al-din Allamah), both situated on the coast of the Bay of Bengal
at Akyab, all bear evidence of the arrival of Muslim saints in Arakan in the early period of history. In course of their trading activities in this part of the world, the Arabs colonised in and around Arakan
first and afterward began to penetrate into interior part of Burma.
They paved the way for the influx of Muslim saints, Sufis, Fakirs and
sages in Arakan and East Bengal. Those sages used to
visit the remote corners of the provinces only to preach their true
religion Islam among the infidels and to dedicate their lives to the
service of humanity and the oppressed and suppressed people of the land.
The superior moral character and high missionary zeal of those
followers attracted large number of people towards Islam who embraced it
en masse. So, they have played a very important role in the growth of
Muslim population and development of a Muslim Society in Arakan. Moreover, Islam as a resurgent force vastly influenced the warring and Caste-ridden Society of Arakan
with its spirit of equality, fraternity and oneness of all human
beings. This concepts inspired the down trodden masses to accept the new
religion Islam.17
The Origin of Rohingya
Rohang, the old name of Arakan, was
very familiar region for the Arab seafarers even during the pre-Islamic
days. Tides of people like the Arabs, Moors, Turks, Pathans, Moghuls,
Central Asians, Bengalees came mostly as traders, warriors, preachers
and captives overland or through the sea route. Many settled in Arakan,
and mixing with the local people, developed the present stock of people
known as ethnic Rohingya. Hence, the Rohingya Muslims, whose
settlements in Arakan date back to 7th century AD are
not an ethnic group which developed from one tribal group affiliation or
single racial stock. They are an ethnic group developed from different
stocks of people. The ethnic Rohingya is Muslim by religion with
distinct culture and civilisation of their own. They trace their
ancestry to Arabs, Moors, Pathans, Moghuls, Central Asians, Bengalis and
some Indo-Mongoloid people. Since Rohingyas are mixture of many kinds
of people, their cheekbone is not so prominent and eyes are not so
narrow like Rakhine Maghs and Burmans. Their noses are not flat and they
are a bit taller in stature than the Rakhine Maghs but darker in
complexion. They are some bronzing coloured and not yellowish. The
Rohingyas of Arakan still carried the Arab names,
faith, dress, music and customs. So, the Rohingyas are nationals as well
as an indigenous ethnic group of Burma. They are not new born racial
group of Arakan rather they are as old an indigenous race of the country as any others.18
The Origin of Rakhine
In the year 957 AD, a Mongolian invasion swept over
Vesali, and killed Sula Chandra, the last king of Chandra dynasty. They
destroyed Vesali and placed on their throne Mongolian kings. Within a
few years the Hindus of Bengal were able to establish their Pala
Dynasty. But the Hindus of Vesali were unable to restore their dynasty
because of the invasion and migrations of Tibeto-Burman who were so
great that their population over shadowed the Vesali Hindus. They cut Arakan
away from Indians and mixing in sufficient number with the inhabitants
of the eastern-side of the present Indo-Burma divide, created that
Indo-Mongoloid stock now known as the Rakhine Arakanese. This emergence
of a new race was not the work of a single invasion. But the date 957 AD
may be said to mark the appearance of the Rakhine in Arakan, and the beginning of fresh period.19
The new English Dictionary states that the word Mog, Mogen, Mogue appear as names of Arakan and the people in 15-16th centuries.20 Today the Maghs of Arakan
and Bangladesh disown this name because the word Magh became synonymous
with sea pirates. For more than two centuries the Maghs of Arakan
were known as sea pirates in Bengal. The Maghs earned such a bad name
during the last many centuries that it has become a great shame for
their descendants of today to own the name Magh. Thus they started
calling themselves Rakhines. But according to Phayre, the name Magh
originated from the ruling race of Magadha and also a well-known poet of
Rosanga (Arakan), Dault Kazi (1622-38) mentioned in his Sati Mayna that the kings of Arakan belonged to Magadha dynasty and was Buddhists by faith.21
According to the Maghs of Arakan, they are
descendants of Rakkhasa (bilu); the aborigine of the land and the name
of their country is Rakkahpura. Ethnically most of the Arakanese Magh
belongs to the Mongoloid race. Ethnologists point out that north-western
China, the cradle land of mankind between the upper courses of the
Yang-Tse-Kiang and of the Hoang-Ho rivers was their earliest home. They
entered the area, now known as Burma, through the upper courses of the
Irrawadi and Chindwin in three successive waves. In making this entry
they encountered the local Mon-Khmer and by defeating them they settled
in Burma. However, Arakan Yoma Mountain separates the
Arakanese Maghs from the parent stock. Though descended from the same
stock, worshipping the same faith and speaking the same language as the
Burmese, the Arakanese Maghs have a distinct culture and have preserved a
distinct dialect. Hence the Arakanese Maghs of the northern section,
close to Bangladesh, exhibit the original Mongoloid features in lesser
and subdued degree than their southern brethren. Whether these ethnic
differences are due to the intermixture of race or ecological and other
factors it is not known. The Arakanese Maghs are short in stature, whose
height rarely exceeds five feet six inches. The body seems to be stocky
with relatively short legs and body; cheekbone is high and broad.
Females are flat chested with thin lips. Black straight hairs, brown
small eyes and flat nose are common features of the present-day Rakhine
Magh population.22
The spoken language of Rakhine Magh is not a separate language but
pure Burmese with phonetic variation. Historians commented on the
Rakhine language as follows:23
“ The question of the emergence of the Arakanese Rakhine language is
more difficult. No inscriptions in the Burmese script are found in Arakan
before 11th and 12th centuries. Whether it was the language of the
Mongolian invaders of 10th century or whether it filtered across the
mountains after contact with Burma in the 11th and 12th centuries is
undecided. As Rakhine language is the same language as Burmese, being
merely a dialect, to suppose that it was the language of the invaders is
to contend that the Mongolians who extinguished Chandras spoke
afterwards became predominant in the Irrawady plain. If the country is
postulated, and it is argued that the Burmese language, coming over the
mountain road, impinged upon the Mongolian speech of the then Arakanese
and created modern Arakanese, linguistic difficulties are raised which
are difficult to solve. This question awaits judgement.”
King Anawratta of Pagan (1044-77 AD) conquered North Arakan,
but it was not incorporated in his kingdom. It remained a
semi-independent feudatory state under its hereditary kings. When Pagan
fell in 1287 AD Arakan asserted its independence under
the famous Minhti, whose regime, according to the chronicles, lasted for
the fabulously long period of ninety-five years (1279-1374 AD). His
reign is also notable for the defeat of a Bengali raid. After his death Arakan
was for a considerable time one of the theatres of war in the great
struggle between Ava and the Mon kingdom of Pegu. Both sides sought to
gain control over it. First the Burmese, then the Mons, placed their
nominees on its throne.24
The development of Muslim Settlements in Arakan
The infiltration of Arabs to Arakan
has started before Muslims conquest of India. The oft-quoted statements
and records of Arab geographers and traders are important source to
reconstruct the history of the coming of the Muslims to Arakan.
The Arabs used to write about the places that they had visited which
indicate their arrivals at east and west of the world. Referring to the early
geographers, G.E. Hervay writes, “ To the Arabs, whose shipping
predominated in the eastern seas from 8th to 16th century, Burma was Arakan
and Lower Burma.” In addition, from the very beginning of Muslim
commercial shipping activity in the Bay of Bengal, the Muslim trading
ships reach the ports of Arakan just as they did the ports of Burma proper. And as in Burma so, too, in Arakan is there a long tradition of old Indian settlement.25
Bengal became Muslim in 1203 AD, but this was the extreme eastern
limit of Islamic overland expansion (although the Malay Peninsula and
the Indonesian archipelago were Islamized much later by missionaries and
merchants who came by sea). In northern Arakan close
overland ties were formed with East Bengal. The resulting cultural and
political Muslim influence was of great significance in the history of Arakan. Actually, Arakan
served to a large extent as a bridgehead for Muslim penetration to
other parts of Burma, and also Muslims attained some degrees of
importance elsewhere as they did in Arakan. The Islamic influence grew in Arakan to the extent of establishing Muslim vassal state beginning in 1430 AD. Muslim’s rule and influence in Arakan lasted for more than 350 years until it was invaded and occupied by Burman in 1784 AD.26
The emergence of Mrauk-U Empire
This independent kingdom turned westward, toward
Bengal, as a result of the growing power of the Burmese court of Ava. In
1404 AD, the king of Arakan, Narameikhla (1404-1434
AD), was forced to flee to Gaur, capital of Bengal Sultanate, which 86
years earlier had already become independent of the Mogul Emperor in
Delhi. Ahmed Shah, Sultan of Gaur, welcomed the refugee king.
Narameikhla remained at the court of Gaur, where he served as an officer
in Ahmad Shah’s army and fought in his wars. After the victory of the
war, king Ahmed Shah handed over the throne of Gaur to his son Nazir
Shah (according to Bengal History it was not Nazir Shah but Sultan
Jalaluddin Mohammed Shah) in the year 1426 AD.27
Then Naramaikhla pleaded help from the king to regain his lost throne at Launggyet in Arakan.
According to Rakhine Razawin (Rakhine History), the Sultan of Bengal
agreed to do so when Naramaikhla agreed to abide the following 6-point
conditions. They are: – 28
1. To return the twelve towns of Bengal.29
2. To receive Muslim title for the kings of Arakan from Bengal.
3. The court emblem must be inscribed with Kalima Tayuba in Persian.
4. The coins, medallions must be inscribed with Kalima Tayuba in Persian and to mint them in Bengal.
5. To use the Persian as court language of Arakan.
6. To pay taxes and presents annually.
The arrival pathan army in Arakan
As Naramaikhla agreed to six point conditions
(Arakanese kings also followed and practised them while they were
independent and under no obligation), in 1429 AD, Sultan Nadir Shah sent
Gen. Wali Khan as the head of 20,000 Pathan army with Naramaikhla to
restore the throne of Arakan to Naramaikhla. The Pathan army conquered Arakan
from the control of Mon and Naramaikhla ascended the throne. Soon Wali
Khan and Naramaikhla had a dispute over the No. 5 condition of
introduction of Persian language as court language of Arakan. Gen. Wali Khan arrested king Naramaikhla and locked up at Balutaung fettering him. Gen. Wali Khan ruled Arakan
for one year and introduced Persian in his court which continued as
state language up to 1845 AD and appointed Qazis. But some time after
that Narameikhla succeeded in re-conquering Arakan with
the help of a second army supplied by Nadir Shah headed by Gen. Sandi
Khan. The accession of Min Sawmon to the throne ushered a new era in the
history of Arakan. Upon his return, Narameikhla
founded a new city, Mrauk-U on the bank of the Lembro River, now known
as Mrohaung, which remain the capital until 1785 when Arakan
was conquered by Burma. Narameikhla’s Muslim soldiers, who came with
him from Bengal, settled in villages near Mrohaung and built the Sandi
Khan Mosque, which still exists today. Muslim influence in Arakan,
they may be said to date from 1430, the year of Narameikhla’s return.
As a result of the close land and sea ties between the two countries,
which continued to exist for a long time thereafter, the Muslims played a
decisive role in the history of Arakan Kingdom.30
Mrauk-U Sultanate
Narameikhla ceded certain territory to the Sultan of
Bengal and recognised his sovereignty. He introduced Nadir Shah’s
system of coins bearing the Kalima as used in Bengal since Muslim
conquest of 1203 and its fellows that the coinage of Mrauk-U was
subsequently modelled. Later on he struck his own coins which had the
name of the king in Arakanese letters on one side and his Muslim title
in Persian on the other. According to historian M.S Collis, it took the
Arakanese a hundred years to learn that doctrine (Islam) from the
Moslem-Mongolians. When it was well understood, they founded what was
known as the Arakanese Empire. For hundred years 1430 to 1530 AD, Arakan
remained feudatory to Bengal, paid tribute and learnt history and
polities. Twelve kings followed one after another at Mrauk-U in
undistinguished succession. They struck coins and some have been found.
In this way Arakan become definitely oriented towards
the Moslem State. Contact with a modern civilization resulted in a
renaissance. The country’s great age began. In 1531 AD Min Bin as Zabuk
Shah ascended the throne. With him the Arakanese graduated in their
Moslem studies and the great Arakanese Empire was founded.31 But
according to Arakanese historian U Aung Tha Oo, all 13 kings including
Min Bin received Muslim titles and state Emblem from the Bengal
Sultans.32
In 1434 AD, at the age of 53, Min Sawmon died leaving his kingdom at
the hand of his brother Min Khari as Ali Khan (1434-1459 AD) as his
successor. Min Khari was succeeded by his son Basawpru as Kalima Shah
(1459-1482 AD). Taking advantage of weakness of Sultan Barbak Shah of
Bengal Kalima Shah occupied Chittagong in 1459 AD. Kalima Shah was
murdered in 1482 AD and his kingdom plunged into chaos and disaster.
Eight kings came to the throne in succession but most of them were
assassinated. At last in 1531 AD a capable young king name Min Bin as
Zabuk Shah (1531-1553 AD) ascended the throne of Arakan and declared himself as a full independent monarch. During his rule stability came back in Arakan.33 Even after becoming independent of the Bengal Sultans, the Arakan
kings continued the custom of using the Muslim titles in addition to
the Arakanese or Pali title. The fact that this practice continued even
after they had shaken off the yoke of Bengal Sultan, goes to prove that
there were some cogent reasons for this other than merely compulsion or
force. The king had already a large number of Muslim subjects holding
important posts in the court as well as in the field of trade and
commerce possessing a far superior culture and civilization compared to
those of his own people. Court ceremonies and administrative methods
followed the customs of the Gaur and Delhi sultanates. There were
eunuchs, harems, salves and hangmen; and many expressions in use at
court were Mogul. Muslims also held eminent posts in the court of Arakan. With the ever increasing Muslim influence in the court of Arakan
and the subsequent subservience of the administration Sonargaon,
Muslims of Gaur and particularly those from Chittagong infiltrated into Arakan
in large numbers in search of fresh lands and new pasture. Henceforth
Arakanese administration continued to bear definite Islamic stamp.34
Dr. Muhammad Enanmul Haq and Abdul Karim (1869-1953) in their work Bengali Literature in the Court of Arakan
1600-1700 state that “ the Arakanese kings issued coins bearing the
inscription of Muslim Kalema (the profession of faith in Islam) in
Arabic script. The State emblem was also inscribed Arabic word Aqimuddin
(establishment of God’s rule over the earth).” The Arakanese court also
adoption of many Muslim customs and terms were other significant
tribute to the influence of Islam. Mosques including the famous Sandi
Khan Mosque began to dot the countryside and Islamic customs, manners
and practices came to be established since this time. For about two
hundred years Muslim domination seemed to have been completed.35
The kingdom of Arakan had come in close cultural
contact with the Muslim Sultanate of Bengal since fifteen century so
much so that many of the Buddhist rulers of that country adopted Muslim
names for themselves. They appointed Muslim officials in their courts
and, apparently under the latter’s influence, even inscribed the Kalima
on their coins. Contact with a modern civilization resulted in a
renaissance. The country’s great age began. From this time onwards the
relation of Muslims with the Arakanese became more intimate and for
about two centuries Arakan was united in a bond of
friendship with Islamic lands. As a result of the impact of the
civilization of the Muslims, Arakanese culture also progressed and thus
the ‘ Golden Age’ in the history of Arakan. The end of
the sixteenth and the first half of the seventeenth century were a
period of political instability and transition caused by the break-up of
the Afghan state in Bengal and gradual advance of the Mughals. One of
the social and demographic effects of this political change was the
flight of a large number of Afghan nobles and other Muslims rank and
position towards the easternmost districts of Bengal. Quite a few of
these people found shelter at the Arakan court where they filled up important positions in the government. In this way Arakan became definitely oriented towards the Muslim State. By the end of 1500 AD Arakan region was Islamized and stood as an independent Muslim kingdom.36 It was later absorbed by the Burmese king in 1784 AD.
The conquest of Chittagong and the influence Bengli Muslim cultures and literatures in Arakan
Arakan, in fact, a continuation of
the Chittagong plain was neither a Burmese nor an Indian Territory till
18th century of the Christian Era. Shut off from Burma by a hill range,
it is located far away from the Indian capitals. Chiefly for its
location, it had not only remained independent for the most part of its
history, but also endeavoured to expand its territory in the surrounding
tracts whenever opportunity came and Chittagong was the first country
to be the victim of the territorial ambition of Arakanese monarchs.37
The relation between Chittagong and Arakan is
influenced by geographical, ethnological, cultural, and historical
considerations. From 1575 till 1666 AD, nearly a century, Chittagong was
under almost uninterrupted Arakanese rule which is undoubtedly an
important period marked; a company of eight sovereigns successively
ruled Arakan only with Chittagong and Chittagong Hill Tracts with full despotic power.38
After Min Sawmon, the successive kings of Arakan
took initiative to evolve administration on the model of Gaur and the
Muslims were given high posts in the government offices. It is also true
that a large number of Muslim officials were employed in the civil as
well as military establishments, who were mostly from Chittagong. As a
result of the royal patronage, settlements of the Muslim community also
grew upon the south-eastern neighbourhood of Mrauk-U; all these
settlements are popularly known as Kalapanzan. Close to the Mrauk-U
City, in course of time, a trading port named Bandar was developed. In
Bandar there lived qadis, muftis, ulama, religious fakirs and darvishes.
Those high ranking Muslims living there used to converse with the king
on equal and friendly terms. At that place the Muslims crowded for
business. The ruins of seven mosques and towers (some still standing)
eloquently testify to the heydays of the Muslims in Arakan.
Most of the Muslim settlements are found on the both sides of the major
rivers namely Naf, Mayu (Kalapanzi), Kaladan and Lembro (Lemro). The
impact of Muslim culture on the life of the people of Arakan had profound effect on the subsequent course of the history of Arakan. Like the Pathan Sultans of Bengal, the kings of Arakan
patronised the cultivation of Bengali literature and many talented
poets and writers from different regions thronged the court. With the
royal support Bengali literature developed; learned men and men of high
calibre received patronage from the kings due to the liberal policy.
Many Muslim Bengalee poets dominated the court life.39
Bengali became a favourite language and the Arakan
kings encouraged the writing of a number of Puttis, which was then the
only form of literature. Some Putti literatures to be mentioned of Arakan
are: Shuja Qazi’s Roshanger Panchali (History of Roshang), Kazi
Daulat’s Sati Mayna-O-Lora Candrani, Shamer Ali’s Razawan Shah, Mardan’s
Nasir Nama or Nasir Maloum, Shah Alaol’s Padmabati, Tufa, Sati Mayna
Lor Chandrani, Saiful Mulk Badiujjamal, Sikander Nama, Hatf-Paikar,
Abdul Karim’s Dulla Mailis, Hajar Masil, Tamam Anjari, Qazi Abdul
Karim’s Rahatul Qulub, Abdullar Hazar Sawal, Nurnama, Madhumalati,
Darige Majlis, Abul Hussain’s Adamer Larai, Ismail Saquib’s Bilqisnama,
Qazi Muhammad Hussain’s Amir Hamza, Dewalmati, Haidar Jung, and etc.
Thus Arakan opened up a new field for expansion and
exploitation for the Muslims of Chittagong. Except for the political
barriers Chittagong and Arakan became one in all other
respects and this continued for well over a century and to some extent
lingered even up to the first half of the last century.40
The Arakanese Kings with Muslim names and titles
According to former Chairman of Historical
Commission, Burma, Lt. Col. Ba Shin’s “Coming of Islam to Burma 1700
AD”, Min Sawmon as Solaiman Shah, the founder of Mrauk-U dynasty and his
successor were greatly influenced by Islamic culture. The practice of
adopting a Muslim name or title by the Arakanese kings continued for
more than two hundred years (1430 – 1638). This titles which appeared in
Arabic script / Persian Kufic on their coins is given below: 41
| No. |
Names of the Kings Muslim Names |
Reigning Period |
| 1. |
Narameikhla (a) Sawmon Solaiman Shah |
1430-1434 AD. |
| 2. |
Meng Khari (a) Naranu Ali Khan |
1434-1459 |
| 3. |
Ba Saw Pru Kalima Shah |
1459-1482 |
| 4. |
Dawlya Mathu Shah |
1482-1492 |
| 5. |
Ba Saw Nyo Mohammed Shah |
1492-1493 |
| 6. |
Ran Aung Noori Shah |
1493-1494 |
| 7. |
Salimgathu Sheikh Abdullah Shah |
1494-1501 |
| 8. |
Meng Raza Ilias Shah – I |
1501-1513 |
| 9. |
Kasabadi Ilias Shah -II |
1513-1515 |
| 10. |
Meng Saw Oo Jalal Shah |
1515 |
| 11. |
Thatsa Ali Shah |
1515-1521 |
| 12. |
Min Khaung Raza El-Shah Azad |
1521-1531 |
| 13. |
Min Bin (a) Min Pa Gri Zabuk Shah |
1531-1553 |
| 14. |
Min Dikha Daud Khan |
1553-1555 |
| 15. |
Min Phalaung Sikendar Shah |
1571-1591 |
| 16. |
Min Razagri Salim Shah – I |
1593-1612 |
| 17. |
Min Khamaung Hussain Shah |
1612-1622 |
| 18. |
Thiri Thudama Salim Shah – II |
1622-1637 | | |
The arrival of Portuguese in Arakan
The Portuguese arrived in the Eastern waters about
the year 1500 AD in search of trade. They were mariners and seamen of
unique characters. An agreement with Portuguese was reached. When Min
Bin as Zabuk Shah came to the throne he turned Mrauk-U into the
strongest fortified city of the Bay, employing the Portuguese to lay out
his walls and moats and to forge mount his cannon. He appointed them as
military officers to train and equip a mercenary army of heterogeneous
races, foreign and domestic; and he built with their aid, a large fleet
manned with his own men, who were hardy boatmen, but guided and
stiffened by Portuguese. King Min Bin in this way became master of a
powerful modern weapon.42
In July 1538 AD, the Mogul king Humayon entered Gaur and displaced
the Independent dynasty of Arab Hussein Shahi dynasty.43 The pretender
was Sher Shah. During the whole of Min Bin’s reign the administration of
Bengal was interrupted by that struggle and Eastern Bengal lay
defenceless. For Min Bin, armed as the non-was, this was opportunity.
With a combined fleet and army movement he occupied Eastern Bengal. That
province remained to Arakan for the next hundred and
twenty years, till 1666 AD. Its administration was left in the hands of
twelve local rajahs, who paid an annual tribute to the Arakanese king’s
viceroy at Chittagong.44 After conquest of Chittagong Min Bin struck
coins on which Chittagong King and his Muslim name Zabauk Shah were
inscribed. If King Min Bin founded the prosperity of Mrauk-U dynasty,
Min Rajagri as Salim Shah, his successor of forty years later, may be
said consolidated it.45
The activities of Magh and Portuguese pirates
The capture and enslavement of prisoners was one of
the most lucrative types of plunder. Half the prisoners taken by the
Portuguese and all the artisans among them were given to the king. The
rest were sold on the market or forced to settle in the villages near
Mrohaung. A considerable number of these captives were Muslim. In
addition to the Muslim prisoners and slaves brought to Arakan
from Bengal and even from north India, many more came to serve as
mercenaries in the Arakanese army, usually as the king’s bodyguard.46
Early in the 17th century the Portuguese reached the shores of Bengal and Arakan.
At that time too, the raiding Arakanese ships reached the source of
Ganges. They came into contact with the Portuguese and permitted them to
establish bases for their operations and also granted them commercial
concession. In return, the Portuguese helped to defend the Arakan boundaries. In 1576 AD. Akbar the Great, Emperor of Delhi, was efficiently ruling Bengal so that Arakan
was now facing the Mogul Empire itself and not only Bengal. The
Portuguese knowledge of firearms and artillery was more advanced than
that of the Moguls, and Arakan profited much there by.
Joint Arakanese-Portuguese raids on Bengal continued until the end of
the 18th century and ceased entirely with the strengthening of the
British naval force in the Bay of Bengal.47
King Mingphalaung as Sikander Shah (1571-93), worthy son of conqueror Min Bin as Sultan Zabuk Shah ascended the throne of Arakan
in 1571 AD. He went up to Dacca and held all parts of Chittagong and
ports of Noakhali and Tippera.48 King Minphalung was succeeded by his
son Meng Razagryi as Salim Shah I (1593-1612). In 1599 AD. Meng Razagyi
attacked Pegu. In this expedition he employed a flotilla from Chittagong
and the Ganges delta. The expedition was crowned with success. On the
return journeys the wise minister Mahapinyakyaw, lord of Chittagong,
died.49
King Salim Shah I, called himself king of Bengal and Tippura, issued
trilingual coins from Chittagong in Arabic, Nagari and Devanagri with
his Pali and Muslim titles in 1601 AD. For a short period during the
reign of Salim Shah I Arakan extended from Dacca and
the Sundarbans to Moulmein, a Coastal Strip of a thousand miles in
length and varying from 150 to 20 miles in depth. This considerable
dominion was built up by means of the strong cosmopolitan army and navy
organised by king Minbin as Zabuk Shah. King Salim Shah I was succeeded
by his eldest son Meng Khamaung as Hussain Shah (1612-1622 AD). In 1609
AD the Portuguese occupied Sandip and established their independent
base. From this base they conducted several hostile incursions in
different parts of the Arakanese kingdom. So the Arakanese king decided
to destroy the Portuguese bases. In early 1615 AD the
Arakanese laid siege to the island of Sandip and later they occupied the
island with the help of Dutch. The Arakanese capture of Sandip in 1615
AD shattered the Portuguese dream of establishing a maritime and
religions empire in the region. King Hussein Shah proved to be a great
and most successful king of Arakan.50
The main source of information on that period is the Portuguese traveller, the Augustan monk Sebastian Manrique, who was in Arakan
from 1629 to 1637 AD. Using not only his own memoirs but also ancient
Arakanese sources placed at his disposal, Manrique in his book described
the arrival of Muslim prisoners, and Muslim army units at the Arakan
king’s court. He also mentioned important Muslims who were holding key
positions in the kingdom and comments on the foreign trade colonies
mostly Muslims, which existed in Arakan. The prisoners
were brought from Bengal in Portuguese and Arakanese ships, some of
whose sailors were themselves Muslims – a fact that did not trouble them
in their profession, not even the fact that enslaving a Muslim stands
in contrast with the Muslim Law, the Shari’a. Manrique gives a detailed
description of such Muslim prisoners, which he accompanied. He even
tried -without success to convert the Muslims to Christianity. Some of
these captive salves were settled in special areas guarded by Muslim
soldiers.51
For nearly half a century, Chittagong was a breeding ground of the
pirates who ravaged the whole of lower Bengal, depopulated it and turned
it to wilderness. During the four years from 1621 AD to 1624 AD the
Arakanese Maghs in alliance with the Portuguese pirates brought to
Chittagong then in possession of the king of Arakan,
42,000 slaves captured in the various districts of Bengal. Only
Portuguese sold their captives but the Maghs employed all of them they
had carried off in agriculture and other services.52
In 17th century the Maghs and Portuguese pirates brought Bengalee captives, both Muslims and Hindus, and sold at the ports of Arakan and India. Referring to 17th century historians G.E. Harvey writes as follows:- 53
“… With the Arakanese they (Portuguese pirates) made a dire
combination, holding Sandwip island, Noahkali and Backergunge districts,
and the Sunderbands delta south of Calcutta, and raiding up to Dacca
and even Murshidabad, while Tippura sent them propitiatory tribute.
After they had sacked Dacca, his capital, in 1625 AD the Moghul governor
felt so unsafe that for a time he lived further inland. For generations
an iron chain was stretched across the Hoogly River between Calcutta
and Sibpur to prevent their entrance. In a single month, February 1727
AD, they carried off 1,800 captives from the southern parts of Bengal;
the king chose the artisans, about one-fourth, to be his slaves, and the
rest were sold at prices varying from Rs. 20 to Rs. 70 a head and set
to work on the land as slaves. This continued throughout the eighteenth
century, decreasing when the English began to police the coast. But even
in 1795 AD they were plundering the king of Burma’s boats off Arakan,
laden with his customs dues of 10 per cent in kind. Rennell’s map of
Bengal, published in 1794 AD marks the area south of Backergunge
‘deserted on account of the ravages of the Muggs (Arakanese)’. They had
forts at Jagdia and Alamgirnagar in the mouth of the Meghna River, and
here and there a few of them settled in the delta. They had also a
little colony of 1,500, speaking Burmese and wearing Burmese dress,
still survive on four or five islands in the extreme southeast of
Backergunge district. They did not occupy the country administratively,
they held it to blackmail.”
“ The Arakan pirates, both Magh and feringhi, used
constantly to come by the water-route and plunder Bengal. They carried
off the Hindus and Mahomedans that they could seize, pierced the palms
of their hands, passed thin strips of cane through the holes and threw
them huddled together under the decks of their ships. Every morning they
flung down some uncooked rice to the captives from above, as we fling
grain to fowl. On reaching home the pirates employed some of the hardy
men that survived such treatment in tillage and other degrading
pursuits. The others were sold to the Dutch, English, and French
merchants at the ports of the Deccan. Sometimes they brought their
captives to ….. Orissa; anchoring a short distance from the coast they
sent a man ashore with the news. The local officers, in fear of the
pirates committing any depredation or kidnapping there, stood on the
shore with a number of followers, and sent a man with money on board. If
the terms were satisfactory, the pirates took the ransom and set the
captives free with the man. Only the feringhis sold their prisoners. But
the Maghs employed all whom they had carried off in agriculture and
other services. Many highborn persons and Saiyads, many Saiyad – born
pure women, were compelled to undergo the disgrace of slavery or
concubinage to these wicked men. Mahomedans underwent such oppression as
they had not to suffer in Europe. As they continually practised raids
for a long time, Bengal daily became more and more desolate and less and
less able to resist them. Not a house was left inhabited on their side
of the rivers lying on their track from Chittagong to Dacca. The
district of Bakla [Backergunge and part of Dacca], which formerly
abounded in houses and cultivated fields and yield a large revenue as
duty on betel-nuts, was swept so clean with their broom of plunder and
abduction that none was left to tenant any house or kindle a light in
that region. …… The governor of Dacca had to confine his energies to the
defence of that city only and to the prevention of the coming of the
pirate fleet to Dacca; he stretched iron chains across the stream …… The
sailors of the Bengal flotilla were inspired with such fear of the
pirates that whenever a hundred war-boats of the former sighted only
four of the latter, the Bengal crew thought themselves lucky if they
could save their lives by flights; and when the distance was too short
to permit escape, they – rowers, sepoys, and gunners alike – threw
themselves overboard, preferring drowning to captivity. Many feringhis
living at Chittagong used to visit the imperial dominions for plunder
and abduction. Half their booty they gave to the raja of Arakan
and other half they kept. They were known as the Hermad [Armada] and
owned a hundred swift jalia boats full of war material … Latterly the
raja of Arakan did not send his own fleet to plunder
the Moghul territory, as he considered the feringhi pirates in the light
of his servants and shared their booty. When Shayista Khan asked the
feringhi deserters, what salary the Magh king had assigned to them, they
replied “Our salary was the Moghul Empire. We considered the whole of
Bengal as our fief. We had not to bother revenue surveyors and ourselves
about court clerks but levied our rent all the year round without
difficulty. We have kept the papers of the division of the booty for the
last forty years.” (Year 1670 circ., Shihabuddin Talish, soldier and
historian, see Jadunath Sarkar “History of Aurangzib” III. 224 and JAS
Bengal 1907 his “The Feringi Pirates of Chatgaon” 422)
Some Muslim Prime Ministers, Defense Ministers and Ministers in the Royal Court of Arakan
King Meng Khamaung was succeeded by his son Thiri
Thudama as King Salim Shah II (1622-1638 AD) in 1622 AD. According to
the history, the coronation of Thiri Thudama was deferred for twelve
years, in pursuance of an astrological prediction that the king would
die within a year of his coronation. The great king knowing that his
life would come to an end transferred the rule of the kingdom to the
hand of his Chief and Defence Minister Sri Ashraf Khan. According to the
Muslim Poet Daulat Kazi’s book known as Sati Mayna-O-Lora Candrani, the
king made Ashraf Khan his Chief Minister and the Commander of his army.
He sat in court, and look after the day to day affairs of the kingdom.
When the king felt that his end was drawing near, he celebrated the
coronation ceremony and entrusted Ashraf Khan with the responsibility of
governing the country.54 Portuguese traveller Sebastien Manrique also
refers to Lashkar Wazir when he says that the Lashker Wazir led the
Muslim contingent of army in the coronation procession of the king Thiri
Thudama in 1635 AD.55 His son Min Sani in 1638 AD succeeded King Thiri
Thudama, the unfortunate prince ruled for a brief period of 28-days.
Narapadigyi, the dowager queen’s lover, who occupied the throne of Arakan, murdered Min Sani.56
According to Muslim Poet Shah Alawal of Arakan court, Narapdigyi (1638-1645 AD.) was king of Arakan
after the death of King Thiri Thudama’s son Min Sani. He was a paramour
of Natshinme, the chief queen of Thiri Thudama and was great grand son
of King Thatasa who ruled Arakan 1525-31 AD.57 King
Narapadigyi’s War Minister or Lashkar Wazir was Siri Bara Thakur. After
the death of Bara Thakur his illustrious son Magen Thakur became the
Lashkar Wazir or War Minister of king Narapadigyi. According to Poet
Shah Alawal, Magen Thakur was born of Siddique family or descendants of
the Muslim first Caliph Hazarat Abu Bakar (RA). He was not only a high
born but also a learned man and he respected the learned people. He
gathered the learned people of the country by his side and showed them
much respect. King Narapdigyi had no son, but only a daughter. When the
king became old, he appointed Magen Thakur, who was a minister, guardian
of his daughter. After the king’s death she was married to Thado
Mintar, nephew of the king. Thado Mintar (1645-1652 AD) became king in
1645 AD and the king’s daughter became chief queen of the kingdom.
During the reign of Thado Mintar and his queen, Magen Thakur was
promoted to the Chief or Prime Minister of Arakan.58
Poet Shah Alawal composed his famous poetical works Padmavati under the
order of Prime Minister Magen Thakur and completed in 1651 AD during the
reign of Thado Mintar. The king died in 1652 AD and was succeeded by
his minor son Sanda Thudhamma (1652-1684 AD). As the king was minor, the
dowager queen (Thado’s queen and Narapadigyi’s daughter) ruled the
country as regent. She gave her guardian Magen Thakur the authority to
rule the country on her and her son’s behalf. Magen Thakur’s power and
influence was further enhanced. Prime Minister Magen Thakur later
ordered Shah Alawal to compose Saiful Mulk Badiujjamal. Before the
completing the book Magen Thakur died. Shah Alawal completed the book in
1658 or 1659 AD under the patronage of another Arakanese Prime Minister
Sayeed Musa. It is thought that Magen Thakur died before 1660 AD.59
After the death of Prime Minister Magen Thakur, Sayeed Musa was
appointed the Prime Minister of Arakanese king Sanda Thudamma. Prime
Minister Sayeed Musa was a great man and he used to patronise learned
man and seeker of knowledge. He was a friend of Prime Minister Magen
Thakur and was a minister under him.60
Poet Shah Alawal composed Satimaing-Lor Chandrani in 1658 AD under the patronage of Minister Sulaiman of King Sanda Thudamma of Arakan.
In 1660 AD under the order of minister Sayyid Mohammed Khan of king
Sanda Thudamma Poet Shah Alawal composed the book Half-Paikar.61
Shah Shuja in Arakan
Prince Shah Shuja, brother of the Moghul Emperor
Aurangzib of India, being defeated in his struggle for the throne was
forced to seek shelter with the king of Arakan. The Arakan
King Sandathudamma (1652-84) consented, and Shah Shuja with his family
and followers were brought to Mrauk-U, the capital city of Arakan, in Portuguese gallases from Teknaf. He arrived in Mrauk-U, the capital of Arakan
on 26th August 1660 AD and was favourably received by the king who
assigned him a residence near the city.62 According to G.E. Harvey’s
Outline of Burmese History, “Shah Shuja came to Arakan as the king
promised to provide him with some of his famous ships to take him on the
way to Macca; he wished to die in retirement at that holy spot. But
when he arrived in Arakan with beautiful daughters and half a dozen
camel loads of gold and jewels, the temptation was too great for King
Sanda Thudamma. Such wealth had never seen in Arakan before. The king in
order to seize all Shah Shuja’s treasure had to find out a lame excuse.
So, king Sanda Thudamma asked the hand of Shah Shuja’s daughter Ameena,
though he knew very well that Sultan Shah Shuja would never consent. As
Shah Shuja refused the suit, the king ordered him to leave his country
within three days. So, on 7th February 1661 AD, Shah Shuja fled to
forest with some of his followers. The Maghs chased them like famishing
wild wolves. Ultimately the Maghs caught Sultan Shah Shuja and chopped
him into pieces. The king seized all his treasure, took his daughters
into the harem, and imprisoned the rest of the family. Everyday the gold
and silver, which the Arakanese have taken, are brought into the King’s
treasury to be melted down. A year later he executed them all for so
called plotting, including the unhappy princess.”63
Sirimanta Sulaiman was Finance Minister of King Sanda Thudamma. At
his request Shah Alawal composed Tufa (1662-64 AD) and completed the
unfinished Satimaina Lor Chandrani. The first book was a book on Fiqh,
while Qazi Daulat wrote the second at the request of Lashker Wazir
Ashraf Khan. Before completing the book the poet died and the book
remain incomplete. Shah Alawal completed the last part of the book.
According to Shah Alawal’s Tufa: “Roshang is a blessed country. There is
no sin there and Sri Sanda Thudhamma is the king there. So his minister
Sri-Yut Sulaiman is a man of heavenly knowledge. God created him at an
auspicious hour. He is kind, he is lucky and joyous. He is a singer and
plays instrumental and works for other’s benefit, giving up his own
works ——–. The poet says that Srimanta Sulaiman loved learned people so
much so that he used to provide them food, clothes and shelter,
particularly the foreigners on coming to Arakan received help and
patronage from him.64
According to Shah Alawal’s Sikander Nama, Srimata Majlis became a
Mahamatya or Chief or Prime Minister of Roshang after getting Nabaraj:
seems therefore that his name was Srimata Majlis. Nabaraj was his
official title. It is possible that after the death of Prime Minister
Sayyid Musa, Nabaraj Majlis obtained the job. It seems further that Shah
Alawal was not acquainted with Nabaraj Majlis before; hearing the name
and fame of Alawal, Nabaraj Mujlis called the poet to his court and gave
him much support, so much so that Shah Alawal was able to clear the
state dues. Once Prime Minister sat in the assembly of learned men,
arranged foods and drinks for the guests. Those present in the assembly
praised the Prime Minister for his good works, particularly the
construction of Mosques and excavation of tanks. In reply Nabaraj Majlis
said that mosques and tanks were not permanent. In old days great men
did these beneficial works, but they did not last. Only books have
lasted, books pleased the readers, books imparts education. Illiterate
people became learned by reading books; books and poets are honoured not
only in their own country but also out side, and books last until the
day of resurrection. Shah Alawal in 1673 AD completed the book Sikander
Nama.65
Nabaraj Majlis was not only the Prime Minister of the kingdom; he was
so important a personality that he administered the coronation oath to
the king Sanda Thudhamma. The king must have his Magh Ministers also,
but the Muslim Minister got prominence. Shah Alawal says about this:
“The great religious king had a Prime Minister known as Nabaraj Majlis.
He was a great minister and chief of all Muslims of Rohang. Now, I will
tell something about Majlis. When the king went to the heaven, the crown
prince came to sit on the throne. Out side the throne, he stood facing
the east. The Majlis wore his dress and standing before the prince
advised him in the following words. ‘Treat the people as your sons, do
not deceive upon the people. According to religious rites, be just in
state duties, and see that the strong do not oppress the weak. Be kind,
be true to your religion, be kind to good people, and punish the wicked.
Try to forgive and do not be impatient, do not punish anybody for the
past offence’. The king accepted all this principles, then bade Salam to
the Majlis and then all others of the family of his mother.” It appears
from the coin of the king that the coronation of the king was held for
the second time in 1672 AD.66
The decline and fall of Arakanese Empire
In 1665 AD Moghul Empire Aurangzib ordered Shayista
Khan, the viceroy of Bengal to build a fleet of boats. In 1666 AD
Shayista Khan’s force of 6,500 men and 288 boats took Chittagong in
36-hours and occupied Ramu. The fall of Chittagong caused indescribable
rejoicing of Bengal. It was a terrible blow to the prosperity of
Arakanese and with it their century of greatness came to an end. Sanda
Thudhamma’s long reign saw the power of his race passes its zenith, and
his death is followed by century of chaos.67 In 1685 AD the units of
Muslim archers serving the king of Arakan, got upper hand and
continually reinforced by new forces from upper India. From 1685 to 1710
AD (for 25-years) the political rule of Arakan was completely in the
hand of Muslims.68 Between the fall of Chittagong (1666 AD) and Sanda
Wizaya (1710 AD) there were 10-kings averaging two and half years each.
Three reigned only one year and two did not reign one month.69 Sanda
Wizaya died in 1731 AD and was succeeded by ten kings, all of whom
except Narabaya had short reign. In 1777 AD one Aung Sun, a native of
Rambree Island, dethroned the reigning sovereign king Sanda Wimala Raja
and proclaimed himself king and having put down a rebellion which
shortly broke-out, was succeeded, in 1783 AD, by his son-in-law Thamada
Raja, the last independent king of Arakan.70
Arakan under Burmese occupation
In 1784 AD Burmese king Boddawphaya sent 30,000
soldiers to conquer Arakan at the request of Rakhine noble Nagasandi and
returned in February 1785 AD with the royal family and 20,000
inhabitants as prisoner. Thousand of Arakanese Muslims and Arakanese
Buddhists were put to death.71 The Burmese soldiers destroyed mosques,
temples, shrines, seminaries and libraries, including the Mrauk-U Royal
Library. As for Arakanese Buddhists, their revered Mahamuni Image of
Lord Buddha was taken away to Burma. The fall of Mrauk-U Empire was a
mortal blow to the Muslims for every thing that was materially and
culturally Islamic was razed to the ground.72 During 40-years of Burmese
rule (1784-1824 AD) rule two third or two hundred thousands (2,00,000)
of the inhabitants (Rohingyas and Rakhines) of Arakan were said to have
fled to Bengal (India).73 The then British East India Company Govt. made
no objection to the settlement of those people in the Southern parts of
Chittagong region. The Mrauk-U City (Patriquilla) left in ruins. Today
the indigenous Muslims found in and around Mandalay and Central Burma
are descendants of those Rohingyas of Arakan. Similarly ethnic Inthas
living in the Inle Lake in Shan Plateau are descendants of the Rakhines.
However, before Burmese could consolidate their power over Arakan
British occupied the Burma colony in 1824.
Arakan under British rule
In 1826 AD Arakan was annexed to the British India
and it was almost depopulated. A few months after the conclusion of the
treaty of Yandabo Mr. Paton, the Controller of Civil Affairs in Arakan,
submitted to the British Govt. a detailed report about the character of
the country (Arakan), its extent, history, population, production and
manners and customs of the inhabitants. He stated the population of
Arakan as 1,00,000 (Maghs – 60,000; Muslims – 30,000; Burmese –
10,000).74 So on the date of conquest of Arakan by English, there had
already been living thirty thousands Muslims i.e. 30 percent of the
total population of Arakan. Arakanese Muslim who entered and settled in
Chittagong region during 1784–1824 AD is known as Roai in Chittagong.
When peace arrived in Arakan they started to return to their
forefather’s homes in Arakan. Actually, Chittagonians dared not to go to
Arakan because they knew that Arakan was a “Mugher Mulluk” – the
lawless country. The British completed the occupation of whole of Burma
in 1885 and made it an administrative part of India.
According to 1911 Census the number of Muslim population in Akyab
District is 1,78,647 and 33 percent of total population.75 Taken an
over-all view, the increase was not due to the import of the Muslim
labours by the British from Chittagong.
There was large-scale conversion of Buddhists to Islam during 15th to
18th centuries. It may be mentioned that when the Dutch industrialists
were ordered to quit Arakan they were also not a little worried because
their children left in Arakan were brought up to be Muslims.76 Muslim
influence was also intensified when Moghul prince Shah Shuja, brother of
Aurangzeb, fled to Arakan in 1660. King Sandathudama murdered Shuja,
but his followers were retained at the court as archers of the royal
guards in which role they frequently intervened as king-makers. The
Rohingya population went on increasing from centuries to centuries and
they were in clear majority in 1942.
Eventually, during the Second World War an estimated 500,000 Indians
and Muslims fled Burma. Some were clearly following in the footsteps of
the British government, but others allege that they were brutally chased
out by the nationalists of Burma Independence Army or BIA. Thousands
are reported to have died of starvation, disease or during sporadic
military attacks in one of the darkest but least reported incidents in
modern Burmese History. At that time in Arakan, many local Muslims and
Buddhists said that, initially there was not really any serious trouble
between two religious communities, but that it only flared up when the
first BIA units entered the area (Arakan) with the Japanese Imperial
Army. The BIA immediately began giving speeches about the on going
expulsions of Indians and other alleged British supporters from the
central Burma and asked why Rakhine nationalists were not doing the
same. As a result, there was an outbreak of the first serious communal
clashes from 1942 onwards.77
The Muslim massacre of 1942
On 8th December 1941, Japan declared war against
British Government. On 7th March 1942, the Japanese invading forces
occupied Rangoon, the capital city of Burma. On 23rd March 1942 Japan
bombed the Akyab City of Arakan. The Japanese fighter planes again
bombed Akyab on 24th and 27th March respectively. So, the British
administration withdrawn from Akyab by the end of March 1942.78 There
was an administration vacuum in Arakan following the withdrawal of
British troops from the area. The Rakhine communalists in connivance
with Burma Independence Army (BIA) led by Bo Rang Aung brought about a
pogrom massacring about 1,00,000 innocent Rohingya Muslims, driving out
80,000 of them across the border to East Bengal, devastating their
settlements and depopulating the Muslims in some parts of Arakan.79
According to Mr. Sultan Mahmud, former Health Minister and Member of
Parliament from Akyab district stated that, “I refused to accept that
there was a communal riot in Arakan in 1942. It was a pre-planned
cold-blooded massacre. On March 28, 1942 a group of 37 soldiers who are
trekking their way to Burma was intercepted, persuaded and prevail upon
attack and loot the Moslem villages. The cold-blooded massacre began
with an uncontrollable fury in the Moslem village of Letma on the
western bank of the Lemro River in Maybon townships. It spread like a
conflagration in all directions and the unsophisticated villagers with
the prospect of gain joined with guns, dahs, spears and all other
conceivable contrivances of destruction. Some high-minded and
far-sighted Arakanese gentlemen intervened at the risk of their lives to
prevent the deadly onslaught. But all their pious efforts were in vain.
There was absolutely no attempt at retaliation even by way of
self-defence by the Moslem and it was simply one-sided affair. Not a
single Rakhine suffered even a scratch. Maybon Township in Kyaukpru
District and the six townships of Minbya, Myohaung, Pauktaw, Kyauktaw,
Ponnagyun and Rathidaung in Akyab district were depleted of Moslem by
murder and massacre and those who escaped evacuated through long
tortuous and hazardous routes across mountains to Maungdaw. Twenty Two
thousand Moslem reached Subirnagar Camp in Rangpur District in India but
very large number had stay behind in Maungdaw owing to lack of
facilities, disease and destitution. These refugees in Maungdaw who had
lost their dearest one and all their property now turned against the
Rakhine and fell upon them in retaliation. This is what exactly happened
in 1942 and I leave it to your impartial readers to judge whether it
could be term as communal riot. There were Moslem too who saved a good
number of Arakanese Buddhists from the wrath of the Moslem and brutality
of the Japanese but modesty forbids me from mentioning their names. I
give below the number of Moslem villages totally destroyed in the
various townships in 1942. They are:
(1) Myebon in Kyaukpru District 30 villages;
(2) Minbya in Akyab District 27 villages;
(3) Pauktaw in Akyab District 25 villages;
(4) Myohaung in Akyab District 58 villages;
(5) Kyauktaw in Akyab District 78 villages;
(6) Ponnagyun in Akyab District 5 villages;
(7) Rathedaung in Akyab District 16 villages; and
(8) Buthidaung in Akyab District 55 villages.
Total 294 villages. All the villages in Buthidaung Township were
re-occupied and rehabilitated by the original inhabitants and refugees
after the War but not a single one in other townships.80 Soon the
Rakhine Buddhists were streaming in droves from the north as the
Rohingya Muslims were streaming from the south, and Arakan stood divided
into two distinct territories, a Muslim north and a Buddhist south one.
Since then, the traditional relation between the two sister communities
deteriorated.81
Muslim State and Peace Committee
On 9th June 1942 the Rohingya Muslims of Maungdaw,
Buthidaung and Rathedaung area drove the BIA and Rakhine communalists
from north Arakan. On 10th June 1942 the Rohingya Muslims declared North
Arakan as Muslim State and Peace Committee was entrusted for
administration of the area.82 In December 1942 Brigadier C.E Lucas
Phillips of British 14th Army came to Maungdaw to contact the leaders of
the Rohingya Muslims. After hard negotiation, the Peace Committee
formed by the Rohingya Muslims headed by Mr. Omra Meah and Mr. Zahir
Uddin Ahmed allowed the British 14th Army re-entry through the Naf
border town of Maungdaw. As per Public Notice No. 11-OA-CC/42 dated.
31st. December 1942, the British Military Administration declared the
former Muslim State as “Muslim National Area”. During the Second World
War, Rohingya Muslims helped the Allied Forces against the invading
Japanese in Arakan Front. The Rohingya Muslims generally stayed loyal to
the British and work with the under ground V-force, most Rakhine
nationalists jointed either with the BIA or under ground Communist
movement. The Rakhines only turned against the Japanese when the British
re-invaded Burma in 1945. On 1st January 1945 Brigadier C.E Lucas
Phillips became the Chief Administrator of the area and appointed
members of Peace Committee as administrative officers of the area. This
represents a landmark in the history of Burmese independence. The
British recognised the Rohingya Muslims as a distinct racial group and
the British officer-in-command promised the Rohingyas to grant autonomy
in North Arakan.83
Arakan after Independent of Burma
After 40 years of Burmese king Bodaw Phaya’s
tyrannical rule, the British colonialists annexed Arakan to British
India. In 1937 the British separated Burma from India and made Arakan
apart of it. A significant measure of “Home Rule” (internal
self-administration) was given to her. The territory of Arakan became
merely a division of the central government dominated by Burmans in 1948
under a plan pre-arranged before independence between Burman leaders
and the opportunists and self-seekers in Arakan. Thus Arakan remained
under colonial rule forever, with a change in her masters from the
Burman to the British and then again to the Burmans. According to the
London Agreement of October 7, 1947 power was handed over to the
government of the Union of Burma on 4th January 1948.84 From
independence in 1948 Arakan – like many other regions of Burma – was
rocked by political violence. The political demands of both Muslim and
Buddhist communities were both over looked by the Burmese central
government in Rangoon and Arakan was not even granted ethnic statehood –
although, as evidence of strong constituency support, four Muslims did
win seats in elections to the new parliament. As a result, while the
communists and armed Rakhine nationalists seized control of many of the
towns throughout Arakan, hundreds of Rohingya armed supporters flocked
to joint the popular Muslim singer, Jafar Hussain (Jafar Kawal), who had
formed the first Mujahid Party in Buthidaung township in December 1947
to press for a Muslim Autonomous State in north Arakan. When the
Rohingyas armed resistance movement gained momentum in 1950’s against
the tyranny of the Burmese regime, the Burmese government appeased the
Rohingya public by offering some governmental positions and a special
district called “Mayu Frontier District”.85
On 1st May 1961, the Burmese government created the Mayu Frontier
District covering Maungdaw, Buthidaung and the Western part of
Rathidaung townships. It was a military administration, not autonomous
rule, but as it did not involve subordination to Arakan authorities, the
arrangement won the support of the Rohingya leaders, particularly since
the new military administration quickly succeeded in restoring order
and security to the area. When, early in 1962, the government drafted a
bill for Arakan statehood, the Mayu Frontier District was not included
in the territory of the projected state. After the military coup of
March 1962, the new military regime led by General Ne Win cancelled the
plan to grant statehood of Arakan, but the Mayu Forntier District
remained under its separate Military Administration.86
Arakan under Military rule
The military regime called them the Revolutionary
Council (RC) and abolished the Constitution and dissolved the Parliament
of Burma. All powers of the State – legislative, judiciary and
executive – had fallen automatically under the control of RC. In
February,1963 the RC regime nationalised entire banks and business
enterprises all over the country. In Arakan, most of the major business
establishments were in the hands of Muslims. The Rohingya Muslims of
Arakan were hardest hit in the economic crackdown by the new military
regime. In Arakan even small grocery and rice shops of Muslims were not
spared. The RC banned all political parties and floated a new political
party known as Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP). In Arakan only
Rakhine Maghs were inducted to new political party. Notifications were
sent by RC to Arakan Division authories to restrict the movement of
Rohingya Muslims. On 1st February 1964, the Revolutionary Council of
Burmese military regime abolished the Mayu Frontier District and put the
area again within the jurisdiction of Akyab District under the Home
ministry. All Rohingya welfare and socio-cultural organisations were
also banned in 1964. The military regime cancelled the Rohingya Language
Programme broadcasted from Burma Broadcasting Service (BBS), Rangoon in
October 1965.In 1974, the BSPP Government convened the first Peoples
Congress (Pyithu Hlut Taw) which ratified the constitution drawn by
BSPP. The new constitution granted State to Arakan in the Unitary
structure. The new name of the state was Rakhine State and was manned by
hundred percent Rakhine and Burman Buddhists.87
Since 1948, up to 1999, there have been no less than 20 major
operations of eviction campaigns against the Rohingyas carried out by
the successive Governments of Burma. In pursuance of the 20-year
Rohingya Extermination Plan, the Arakan State Council under direct
supervision of State Council of Burma carried out a Rohingya drive
operation code named Naga Min or King Dragon Operation. It was the
largest, the most notorious and probably the best-documented operation
of 1978. The operation started on 6th February 1978 from the biggest
Muslim village of Sakkipara in Akayab, which sent shock waves over the
whole region within a short time. News of mass arrest of Muslims, male
and female, young and old, torture, rape and killing in Akyab frustrated
Muslims in other towns of North Arakan. In Mrach 1978 the operation
reached at Buthidaung and Maungdaw. Hundreds of Muslim men and women
were thrown into the jail and many of them were being tortured and
killed. Muslim women were raped freely in the detention centres.
Terrified by the ruthlessness of the operation and total uncertainty of
their life, property, honour and dignity a large number Rohingya Muslims
started to leave their hearths and homes to cross the Burma-Bangladesh
border.88 Within 3 months more than 3,00,000 Rohingyas took shelter in
makeshift camps erected by Bangladesh Government. The United Nations
High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) recognised them as genuine
refugees and started relief operations. The presence of large number of
Rohingya Muslim refugees attracted the attention of the world,
particularly the Muslim countries. Although Burma denied, initially to
accept back her people she was bogged down under international pressure.
A bilateral agreement was signed on 9th. July 1978 in Dhaka between the
two countries paving the way for return of the Rohingya refugees in
1979 after more than 9 months stay on the soil of Bangladesh. About
2,00,000 refugees returned home while 40,000 died in the refugee
camps.89 According to Human Rights Watch/Asia reports about 30,000
Rohingya refugees were integrated locally in Bangladesh and the rest
left for Middle East countries.90
Arakan under SLORC/SPDC Military rule
On September 18,1988 in dramatic turn of events a Ne Win orchestrated
so-called military coup removed civilian BSPP Govt. President Maung
Maung. The military in the name of State Law and Order Restoration
Council (SLORC) headed by Chief of Army Staff, Gen. Saw Maung, took over
power. The SLORC massacred more than 3000 pro-democracy demonstrators
before gaining full control of the situation. Students and political
activists were hunted down and either thrown into torture cells or
killed. A large number of them fled across the border into neighbouring
countries or joined anti-government revolutionary groups based along the
border. The Rohingya Muslims of Arakan have to bear the brunt of
SLORC’s wrath. The SLORC started to take vengeance on the Rohingya
Muslims. SLORC held a General Election on May 27, 1990. The opposition
NLD won bulk of the seats. So, SLORC refused to recognise the results of
the General Election. When the masses are becoming restive as a result
of the refusal to hand over power, the SLORC employed the old method of
diverting the attention of the masses from the real burning issues by
creating a new Rohingya drive campaign.91
In 1991-92 a more dreadful Rohingya drive extermination campaign code
named “Pyi Thaya”, had been launched on 18th July 1991 by deploying
thousands of brute troops by SLORC in Arakan. A new wave of violence and
persecution fell upon the Rohingyas such as killing, raping of women,
destruction of Muslim settlements, holy places of worship, religious
institutions, and Muslim relics, confiscation of land, detention,
portering and slave labour and various other atrocities rose sharply in
early 1991. As a result, again Rohingyas began to leave their homeland
in the thousands to seek asylum as refugees in neighbouring Bangladesh.
The Rohingya refugee crisis that began in September 1991 with 10,000
refugees entering Bangladesh had reached its peak by mid-1992 when the
refugee population rose to more than 2,68,000. Rohingya Muslims who fled
into Bangladesh as refugees were mainly sheltered in 20 camps with a
few residing outside the camps. The camps are located mainly on both
sides of the Cox’s Bazar-Teknaf highway, popularly known as the Arakan
road. Despite its meagre resources, Bangladesh provided food and shelter
to the Rohingya refugees. This time the refugees came mainly from
Maungdaw, Buthidaung, Rathidaung and Akyab townships of Arakan State.92
International agencies and NGOs later on came to their help. Under
Bangladesh-Burma bilateral agreement signed on 29th April 1992 a total
of 2,29,877 Rohingya refugees were repatriated to Arakan. More than
20,000 Rohingya refugees are awaiting repatriation with deep frustration
because of the slow pace of their repatriation.93
The history of Arakan on the whole is not at all a complicated one,
but it has been made to be so by some interested intelligentsia in
Arakan and Burma proper. Above all, the Burman king Bodawpaya who
plundered Mrauk-U in 1784 AD is basically responsible for the
destruction of every things that was Islamic in Arakan. He is also
responsible of getting the History of Arakan written by U Kala, on the
basis of two unauthentic Magh chronicles which were absolutely devoid of
everything about the Rohingya Muslims. Universal man cannot forget his
history. So, we cannot abandon and cynically consign the past history of
Rohingya people to oblivion. Whatever so far has been found written
about the Muslims of Arakan are merely collateral and mostly corrupted.
Anyway, truth cannot be suppressed for long. It will come to light
sooner or later.
Notes and References
1. Mohammed Ali Chowdhury, The Advent of Islam in
Arakan and Rohingyas, The Annual Magazine 1995-96, Arakan Historical
Society (A.H.S), Chittagong, Bangladesh, 1996, P.24; Rohingya Outcry and
Demands, Rohingya Patriotic Front (RPF), Arakan (Burma), 1976, P.20; M.
Sahabuddin, Arakan in Historical Perspective, The Monthly Bulletin of
the Bangladesh Institute of Law and International Affairs, Vol.1, April
1978, No.4.
2. Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma, A study of Minority groups,
Weesbaden, Otto Harrassowitz, 1972, P.18; Natmagh Bon Kyaw, History of
Anglo-Burmese War (in Burmese), Pagan Publisher, Rangoon, 1975, P.7.
3. Amanullah, The Etymology of Arakan, THE ARAKAN, Vol.10, Issue 2, July 1997, P.4.
4. Ibid. P.4 -5.
5. The High School Geography of Burma (in Burmese), The Textbook
Committee, Ministry of Education, The Socialist Republic of Union of
Burma, Rangoon, 1975, P.283; Nurul Islam, The Rohingya Problem, Arakan
Rohingya National Organisation (ARNO), Arakan (Burma), 1999, P.2
6. San Tha Aung, The Buddhist Art of Ancient Arakan, Daw Saw Saw
Sapay, Rangoon, 1979, P.2; Nurul Islam, The Rohingya Problem, ARNO,
Arakan (Burma), 1999, op. cit., P.3.
7. Dr. Ganganath Jaha (Jawaharal Nehru University), Rohingya
Imbroglio: The Implication for Bangladesh in S.R.Chakaravaty (Edited)
Foreign Policy of Bangladesh, New Delhi, 1994, P.293; The Manifesto of
Arakan Rohingya National Organisation (ARNO), Arakan (Burma), 1999, P.3 ;
The Genocide of the Rohingya Muslims of Arakan in Burma, Rohingya
Reader I, Burma Centrum Nederland, Amsterdam, October 1995, PP. 92-93.
8. G.E Harvey, History of Burma, London, 1928, P.137, P.369 – 372.
9. D.G.E Hall, A History of South-East Asia, New York, 1977, P.389.
10. Ibid. P.389.
11. M.S Collis, Arakan’s Place in the Civilisation of the Bay,
Journal of Burma Research Society 50th Anniversary Publications No.2,
Rangoon, 1960, P.486.
12. Ibid. P.487.
13. Dr. S.B Qanungo, A History of Chittagong, Vol.1, Chittagong, 1988, PP. 110, 116.
14. M.Siddiq Khan, Muslims Intercourse with Burma, Islamic Culture, Vol. X, Hydrabad, July 1936, P.418.
15. M.A. Taher Ba Tha, The Rohingyas and Kamans (in Burmese),
Published by United Rohingya National League, Myitkyina (Burma), 1963,
P.6 – 7; Maung Than Lwin, Rakhine Kala or Rohingya, The Mya Wadi
Magazine, issue July 1960, PP.72-73; N.M Habibullah, Rohingya Jatir
Itihas (History of the Rohingyas), Bangladesh Co-Operative Book Society
Ltd., Dhaka, 1995, PP.32-33.
16. R.B. Smart, Burma Gazetteer – Akyab District, Vol.A, Rangoon, 1957, P.19.
17. Rohingya Outcry and Demands, RPF, op. cit., PP.36-37.
18. A.S. Bahar, The Arakani Rohingyas in Burmese Society, M.A. Thesis
(unpublished), University of Windsor, Ontario, Canada, 1981, PP. 24-25;
Alan Clements and Leslie Kean, Burma’s Revolution of the Sprit, the
Struggle for Democratic Freedom and Dignity, White Orchid Press,
Bangkok, 1995, P.30; Mohammed Ali Chowdhury, The Advent of Islam in
Arakan and Rohingyas, A.H.S, op. cit., P.29; N.M Habibullah, Rohingya
Jatir Itihas (History of the Rohingyas), op. cit., Dhaka, 1995,
PP.32-33.
19. M.S. Collis, JBRS, 50th Anniversary No.2, op. cit., P.488.
20. Shamsuddin Ahmed, Glimpses into the History of the Burmese and Chinese Muslim, Chittagong, 1978, P.72.
21. Satyendra Nath Ghosal, Missing Links in Arakan History, Abdul
Karim Sahitya Visarad Commemoration Volume, Asiastic Society of
Bangladesh, Dacca, 1972, P. 257.
22. Dr. Abdul Mabub Khan, The Maghs, Dhaka, 1999, op. cit.; P.8.
23. M.S. Collis, JBRS, 50th Anniversary No.2, op. cit., P.489.
24. G.E. Harvey, History of Burma, London, 1925, P.138 – 139.
25. Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma, 1972, op. cit., P.18.
26. Ibid. P. 18.
27. M.S. Collis, JBRS, 50th Anniversary No.2, op. cit., P.491.
28. M.A. Taher Ba Tha, The Rohingyas and Kamans, op. cit., P.17.
29. The Journal of Rakhine Welfare Association (Rangoon), No.2, 1996, The 12 Towns of Bengal
30. Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma, 1972, op. cit., P. 18 – 19;
S.N.S Rizvi (Edited), Bangladesh District Gazetteers: Chittagong, Dacca,
1970, P.62 – 63.
31. M.S. Collis, JBRS 50th Anniversary, Vol. 2, op. cit., P.493.
32. U Aung Tha Oo, Rakine Rajawan (in Burmese), Mya Radana Press, Rangoon, P.55
33. Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma, 1972, op. cit., p.19; R.C
Majumdar, The Delhi Sultanate, PP. 203, 211-212; Dr. Abdul Mabub Khan,
The Maghs, Dhaka, 1999, op. cit.; PP. 22-23.
34. Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma, 1972, op. cit.; P.19; M.S.
Collis, JBRS, 50th Anniversary No.2, op. cit., P.493; G.E. Harvey,
History of Burma, op. cit., PP.138 – 139; D.G.E Hall, A History of
South-East Asia, op. cit., PP. 329-330; Lt. Col. Ba Shin, Coming of
Islam to Burma 1700 AD, Rangoon 1961, PP. 4 – 6; Rizvi (Edited),
Bangladesh District Gazetteers: Chittagong, op. cit., P.63.
35. Dr. Enamul Haq O Abdul Karim Shahitya Bisharad, Arakan Rajshabhay Bangla Shahitya, Calcutta, 1935, PP. 4-12.
36. Dr. Muhammad Mohar Ali, History of the Muslims of Bengal, Vol.1B,
Imam Muhammad ibn Saud Islamic University, Riyadh, K.S.A, 1985, P.865;
M. Siddiq Khan, op. cit., P.249; Geoffrey Barraclough (Edited), The
Times Atlas of World History, London, 1985, P.133.
37. Dr. Qanungo, A History of Chittagong, Vol.1, op. cit., P.230
38. Ibid. P.232
39. Dr. Abdul Mabub Khan, The Magh, Dhaka, 1999, op, cit., PP. 22-23.
40. Dr. Muhammad Mohar Ali, History of the Muslims of Bengal, Vol.1B,
op. cit.1985, PP.866-868; Rizvi (Edited), Bangladesh District
Gazetteers: Chittagong, op. cit., PP. 63, 348-349.
41. Lt. Col. Ba Shin, Coming of Islam to Burma 1700 AD, op. cit.,
P.5; Dr. Qanungo, A History of Chittagong, Vo. 1, op. cit., P. 233, 239,
250 & 271; Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma, 1972, op. cit., P.19;
Siddiq Khan, op. cit., PP. 248-249; Harvey, op. cit., P140; D.G.E Hall,
op. cit., P.330; ABM Habibullah, Arakan in Pre-Mughal History of
Bengal, JASB, 1945, PP. 34-35.
42. M.S. Collis, JBRS 50th Anniversary, Vol. 2, op. cit., P.493.
43. Dr. Qanungo, A History of Chittagong, Vol.1, op. cit., P.179.
44. M.S. Collis, JBRS 50th Anniversary No.2, op. cit., P.494.
45. M.S. Collis, JBRS 50th Anniversary No.2, op. cit., P.494.
46. Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma, 1972, op., cit., P.20; G.E.
Harvey, History of Burma, op. cit., PP. 143-144; Siddiq Khan, op. cit.,
P.251; Taher Ba Tha, Salve Raids in Bengal or Heins in Arakan, The
Guardian Monthly, Rangoon, Vol. VII, October 1960, PP. 25-27.
47. Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma, 1972, PP. 19-20.
48. Ibid. P.494; Rizvi (Edited), Bangladesh District Gazetteers: Chittagong, op. cit., P.67.
49. Dr. Qanungo, A History of Chittagong, Vo.1, op. cit., P.233.
50. Ibid. PP. 239 – 240.
51. Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma, 1972, P.20.
52. Jamini Mohan Ghosh, Maghs Raider in Bengal, Bookland Private Ltd. Calcutta, 1960, P.1.
53. G.E.Harvey, The History of Burma, op. cit., PP.142 – 144.
54. Satyendra Nath Ghosal, Missing Links in Arakan History, Abdul
Karim Sahitya Visarad Commemoration Volume, Asiastic Society of
Bangladesh, Dacca, 1972, P. 257.
55. Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma, 1972, P.20; Harvey, The History of Burma, op. cit., P.145.
56. Dr. Qanungo, A History of Chittagong, Vol. 1, op. cit., P.271.
57. Ibid. PP.271 – 272.
58. Dr. Abdul Karim, The Rohingyas, A Short Account of Their History
and Culture (in press}, PP. 48-50; Shitya Patrika, Winter, 1364 B.S.
PP.57– 60 and P.83.
59. Sayed Sajjad Hussain, A Descriptive Catalogue of Bengali
Manuscripts, Asiatic Society of Pakistan, Dacca, Publication No.3,1960,
PP.281– 82; Dr. Abdul Karim, The Rohingyas, op. cit., PP.53-55
60. Ibid. P.507; Dr. Abdul Karim, The Rohingyas, op. cit., PP.55-57.
61. Ibid. P. 282; Dr. Abdul Karim, The Rohingyas, op. cit., PP.66-70.
62. M. Siddiq Khan, The Tragedy of Mrauk-U (1660 – 1661), Journal of
the Asiatic Society of Pakistan, Vol. XI, No.2, August 1966, P.198.
63. G.E. Harvey, Outline of Burmese History, Longmans, London, 1947,
PP.95 – 96; Rizvi (Edited), Bangladesh District Gazetteers: Chittagong,
op. cit., P.83.
64. Dr. Abdul Karim, The Rohingyas, op. cit., PP.69-70; Sahitya Patrika, op. cit, PP.140 – 141.
65. Dr. Ahmed Sharif, Alaol Birachita Sikandernama, Dhaka 1977/ 1384
B.S., P.P.29–30; Dr. Abdul Karim. , The Rohingyas, op. cit., PP.59-61.
66. Ibid. PP. 26 – 27; Dr. Abdul Karim. , The Rohingyas, op. cit., PP.61-63.
67. G.E.Hervey, History of Burma, London, 1925, PP.147 – 148.
68. D.G.E. Hall, A Short History of Southeast Asia, 3rd Edition, 1977, P.401.
69. M.S. Collis, JBRS, 50th Anniversary No.2, op. cit., P.498.
70. R.B. Smart, Burma Gazetteers – Akyab District, Vol.A, Rangoon, 1957, P.27.
71. G.E.Harvey, History of Burma, London, 1925, op. cit., PP.267 – 268.
72. Rohingya Outcry and Demands, RPF, 1976, P.33; Dr. Mohammed Yunus, A History of Arakan Past and Present, 1994, P.92.
73. M.S. Collis, JBRS, 50th Anniversary No.2, op. cit., P.499;
Muhammad Ishaque (Edited), Bangladesh District Gazetteers: Chittagong
Hill Tracts, Dacca, 1971, P.33.
74. A.C. Banarjee, The Eastern Frontier of British India, Calcutta, India, 1964, PP.350 – 351.
75. R.B. Smart, Burma Gazetteer – Akyab District, Vol.A, Rangoon, 1957, P.83.
76. D.G.E Hall, Studies in Dutch Relation with Arakan, JBRS 50th Anniversary No.2, P.72.
77. Martin Smith, The Muslim Rohingyas of Burma, Rohingya Reader II, Burma Centrum Nederland, Amsterdam, October 1996, P.10.
78. Advocate Kalilur Rahaman, Karballa-i- Arakan (Urdu), Calcutta,
1946, P.15; Dr. Mohammed Yunus, A History of Arakan Past and Present,
1994, P.105.
79. The Manifesto of ARNO, Arakan (Burma), op. cit., 1999, P.7.
80. Sultan Mahmud, Muslims in Arakan, THE NATION, Rangoon, Sunday, April 12, 1959.
81. Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma, THE CRESCENT IN THE EAST,
Edited by Dr. Raphael Israeli, London, 1982, P.123 and A. Irwin, Burmese
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82. The History of Maungdaw Township (in Burmese) complied by the Township Peoples Council, Maungdaw, 1980, P.65.
83. Mohamed Ashraf Alam, The Memories of Al-Haj Master Hasson Ali
(1898 – 1985), Master is a closed friend of Master Omera Meah who was
President of Peace Committee of North Arakan (1942-1945); Records and
Documents of Dr. Mohamed Ayub Ali, a closed assistant of Jafar Kawal who
collected various documents and records of Rohingya Movement.
84. The Manifesto of ARNO, Arakan (Burma), 1999, PP.6 – 7.
85. Martin Smith, The Muslim Rohingyas of Burma, Rohingya Reader II, Burma Centrum Nederland, Amsterdam, October 1996, P.11.
86. Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma, The Crescent in the East, Edited by Dr. Raphael Israli, London, 1982, P.128.
87. Dr. Mohammed Yunus, A History of Arakan Past and Present, 1994, PP.148 – 150.
88. Genocide in Burma against the Muslims of Arakan, Rohingya
Patriotic Front (RPF), Arakan (Burma), April 11, 1978, PP.2 – 4; Dr.
Mohammed Yunus, A History of Arakan Past and Present, 1994, PP.158 –
159.
89. Dr. Mohammed Yunus, A History of Arkan Past and Present, 1994, PP.160
90. The Rohingya Muslims Ending a Cycle of Exodus, Human Rights Watch/Asia, Vol.8, No.9(C), New York, September 1996, P.20.
91. Ibid. P.11.
92. Abdur Razzaq and Mahfuzul Haque, A Tale of Refugees: Rohingyas in
Bangladesh, The Centre for Human Rights, Dhaka, 1995, PP.12, 22.
93. The Daily Star, Dhaka, September 13, 1999, Slow Pace of Repatriation Frustrates Rohingyas.
