Monday 30 September 2013

Genocidal attacks and setting fire of Muslim houses continue in Arakan

by Admin,

Rakhine people with the support of the government authorities are continuously carried out genocidal attacks against the entire Arkanese muslim people.

In Tandwe township, a house belong to a Kaman muslim, U Kyaw Zan Hla, was burn down during the first attack by Rakhine people by the evening of 29 Sept that followed destruction of four other houses and the mosque. Where the military forces who are guarding the area, were quietly watching the scene and driven the muslim villagers who came out to defense into the mosque.

Other 50 houses of Aindaw village along there those were abandoned by muslim villagers from last year, were also burn down by following morning on 30 Sept.

Beside, Kyauknimaw villagers are still in fear of attacks after a military captain tried to negotiate with the top ten Rakhine leaders who asked Muslim villagers to leave from the village within two weeks. 

It is very clear sign that there is no mechanism exist to enable to save Arakanese muslim people from ongoing genocide and or to normalize the situation as well despite the crisis has been continued over a year. 

A Kaman Muslim House In Thandwe Burned By Rakhine Extremists

Source RB news, 29 Sept
Thandwe, Arakan – A Kaman Muslim house in Thandwe Township of Arakan State has been burned by Rakhine extremists this evening. The situation in Thandwe has been extremely tense since yesterday afternoon.

At that time, a motorcycle taxi was placed in front of the shop of U Kyaw Zan Hla, who is a Kaman Muslim in Thandwe. Th...e owner of the shop asked the owner of the motorcycle to remove the vehicle from where it was, as it was reserved for loading and unloading goods. The motorcycle had a 969 sticker on it. The motorcycle owner didn't agree to move his vehicle from the place and started abusing the shop owner. Then he propagated in the town that the shop owner insulted 969. As the 969 group has been propagating to attack local Muslims since a long time, yesterday's propaganda became a tool to attack local Muslims.

Interview with Dr. Maung Zarni

Source PRAXIS, 26 Sept
Dr. Maung Zarni is an exile, commentator, critic and expert on the political affairs of Myanmar. His research interests include the political economy of violence, international development and conflict, as well as democratic transitions in Asia. He is Visiting Fellow (2011-2013) at the Civil Society and Human Security Research Unit, London School of Economics and Political Science, and Visiting Senior Research Fellow at the University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur.
Zarni spoke with PRAXIS on February 28, 2012 while he was attending a World Peace Foundation seminar on advocacy and human rights.
PRAXIS: What do you think are the greatest prospects and greatest challenges facing Myanmar – both socially and economically – as it emerges from the last six decades of direct military rule and global isolationism?
Zarni: On the future of Burma: No one is in a position to figure it out exactly. It's not crystal ball gazing either. I'm a structuralist and look at interests as structures, such as commercial, strategic, etc. I don't see a bright future for the country, but that doesn't mean that I'm completely hopeless or desperate in the situation. The buzz word being used is "opening up" and the way "the new Myanmar/Burma" is framed in the Western discourse and the media, especially in government policy and institutions such as the World Bank, IMF, or the UN, no one has a better framing of Burma than Barack Obama, who framed Burma as his foreign policy success story in the [2013] State of the Union Address. That is outrageous. That's the hype. The realities are that every single type of human rights violation has been taking place in Burma since the West adopted principles and punitive positions on Burma, which is to say Western sanctions of different strengths and types. Starting with downgrading diplomatic relations in 1988-1989. That was the turning point. Up until then, Burma was supported by the U.S. as a Cold War buffer. Burmese military generals stayed out of the Cold War but quietly were supported by the U.S. and the entire Western world, in terms of CIA involvement. The highest number of military officers are trained in the U.S. through the military exchange program. Returning to the realities, we have the same pervasive human rights abuses for which Burma was ritualistically condemned and diplomatically punished.
Three things are happening: We have the economic displacement and economic disempowerment of rural populations, across the country – not confined to one ethnic area, but across the country, related to mega-development projects, there is a genocide, and there is a full-blown civil war where the full might of the Burmese air force is brought to bear across the Kachin people.

Two parallel things are going on: The same old ugly realities with horrible new dimensions of class struggle, ethnocide, war against the Kachin. And the old pervasive human rights abuses.

PRAXIS: How does 'human security' factor into current developments in Myanmar?
Zarni: No one has ever raised the issue of human security. Human security is simple. Each time we academics talk about peace or peace studies, we're talking about the absence of peace. Each time we use the word human security, we're talking about the absence of it. The security of individuals and their communities are not a part of this new discourse of Burma opening up and its reforms. The discursive elements that structure the way we conceive of human security in Burma is the Burma of ethnic minority peoples, the Burma of rural people, and the Burma of dissidents and military elites.
That's the macro picture. That's the scenario. The interest and well-being of security does not figure and that's completely absent. Restructuring the country's finances and debt forgiveness and everything is framed in this language and economic developmentalism.

PRAXIS: The word "genocide" has been used quite a bit regarding the situation facing the Rohingya in Rakhine State. In one of your pieces, you labeled it "ethnocide." Could you elaborate on your decision to use this term?
If you look at the facts, the physical harm that is being done to the Rohingya, not just now, but over the past 40 or 50 years, or however long, it's not just the physical harm. Described as ethnocide, in the attempt to erase a particular ethnic group with a voluntarily defined ethnic identity, with the full backing of a massively propagandized society. Whether the Rohingya was an external label or internally imposed doesn't matter. The Rohingya were recognized between 1948 to 1962 by the government. There are historical documents on the background of Rohingya and this group existed and it was recognized officially by the modern state.

The timing of the emergence of the Rohingya as a global issue has everything to do with the regime's political calculations. It has ideological components and anti-Muslim hatred and racism on the part of the ruling military. Secondly, it has a political calculation by the regime. It also has the economic and geostrategic element to it, in addition to the anti-Muslim rhetoric. It's a logical combination of what the Burmese generals have pursued over the last 50 years, which is an ethnic cleansing of the army. Getting rid of anyone with an ethnic identity in the army. Those that rise to the top happen to be Buddhist majority or thoroughly Burmanized minority. I'd be surprised if you ever saw a Muslim major in an army of say 1,000 brigadier generals.

It's a brilliant move on the part of the regime, strategically speaking. It's thoroughly Machiavellian. The Rakhines among the ethnic minorities are the least liked by the majority. They are the most reviled ethnic minority and also the most nationalistic. They were the last empire and the Burmese made them disappear. At least the Mons enjoyed the respect by the Burmese of being a very advanced civilization. The Mons were very advanced, like the Khmer and Cambodians. Similar cultural background. The Rakhines got the raw end of the deal. If you look at the rise of Burmese nationalism, the Rakhines were the pioneers and were involved in the imperial scheme with the British, because they were the British people. They had the most respect and learned first the English language and went through English schooling, because they were the coastal people. During colonialism, the Rakhine elite and Mon elite forged a new identity and that's the new modern Burmese identity. The British Raj, when he vacated, everyone returned to their roots and took up their new identities.

They also keep hammering the message of anti-terrorism, of a preemptive anti-terror campaign. However if terrorism were present in the country, Rangoon would be seeing fireworks, and we haven't seen it. The Rohingya are too broken down, too disunited to organize anything. With the words the regime uses, the language of preemptive anti-terror campaign, the operative word is preemptive, that is a word that the West understands, not prevention, preemptive. You only have to be suspected to be killed. It turns the entire Western concept of innocent until proven guilty – you're guilty until proven innocent.

So if you put all these together, commercial factors that are contextualized and located along the western coast of Burma, the regime's need to deal with the rights of economic and strategic nationalism, the waning of USDP with the voters and the rise of ASSK's popularity, and the sweeping of the parliamentary elections, and the likelihood of a landslide in 2015 – as you put all these factors on the chart – you realize, what do we have to do. So basically, this is like shooting six birds with one stone, not two birds with one stone. It's brilliant, absolutely brilliant because they calculated that the West is already over-committed to holding the Burmese hand.

Western policy toward Burma, is anything but about Burma. Western policy toward Burma is about Western interests, not about Burmese interests. Human security is not even a serious rhetoric. US Chamber of Commerce was leading delegations, and on the eve of the Rohingya genocide Hillary Clinton was in Phnom Penh for the ASEAN summit with Thein Sein, saying, look, I brought you some blue chip company executives, and I want you to meet with some of our most blue-blooded corporate executives because you are opening up. So it's about Western strategic and commercial interests, that the regime has figured out, this is a structural equation, which the West is not going to modify in any significant way. Obama will be talking about the Rohingya in a speech, but it's just a speech.

PRAXIS: Could you comment on the backlash that you've experienced as a result of your views on this issue?
Zarni: I'm very comfortable with backlash. I'm okay with condemnation from outside and I am okay with my internal moral compass. It bothers me as a person that has feelings. No one wants to be ostracized, but I am always guided by my own thinking. I am not always right. The chances are that I'm wrong many times. The chances that I may be wrong are possible, but two things enable me to come up with positions that are irreverent and unpopular. In my analysis, I don't position myself.
1) I dare to look at the realities and I describe what I see. My description may not always be always accurate but at least I try.

2) My interest is my conscious. I don't have material interests. I'm prepared to drive a taxi. I worked as a janitor as a student, so it doesn't bother me. I can only eat two meals a day. In my analyses, I don't position myself. I think positioning oneself in one's analyses, it's not analysis. That's like political calculations, strategic calculations. I don't calculate. Your interests are there. You make the decisions. Am I going to compromise my conscious on what I see? Or, compromise my interests? Or, am I going to call out what I see?

I think that my problem is I have a set of very strong values that basically my parents instilled in me. Love of truth. This is not bragging at all. This is my truth. If you don't live your values, you don't have anything. It defines who you are and defines your position.

I've also been criticized for my views on Aung San Suu Kyi. She wears her Buddhism on her sleeves and she wears her liberalism on her sleeves. But she fails on both grounds as a liberal as a Buddhist. And for me, ASSK is not a great icon, she's a complete failure. She is a complete failure on both counts. If you see the ugly realities that involve genocide in front of your eyes, are you going to wait until the next Boddhistava/Buddha to retroactively rectify the situation or are you going to do something about it? Speaking out is doing. It's very French. For the French, talking is speech is action.
I am a small potato compared to people like herself. But I get airtime, and there will be a small number of people who will pay attention to what I have to say. She has a great global audience and moral authority and what people think she stands for. She's no different than Machiavelli or Clinton.

PRAXIS: What are your views on the local and global economic, political and strategic implications of the war and peacebuilding efforts taking place in Kachin State?
Zarni: The Kachins are a small minority, without ties to the West anymore, but there is no serious discussion about how to deal with Kachin State. I think the Kachin areas are extremely strategic for the Chinese, for the Burmese, and maybe I think to a lesser extent the West as well. When we look at Kachin mega-development projects like Myitsone Dam project, we only see the Chinese. Actually the Chinese get the bad press. When you look at the whole Greater Mekong Sub-Region area the whole idea of marketizing Greater Mekong, marketizing energy, or creating a free market for energy, trans-border energy sales and purchases – this was written up in Washington. If you look at the entire Indo-China area, before the Vietnam War there was something called the Mekong Commission, and that was to use economic development as a way to draw poor peasants from Indo-China from the Communists. Their entire discourse of development had a very strong ideological and strategic dimension in the sense that poverty alleviation was virtuous only to the extent that it advanced the core containment goals of the West. Poverty alleviation was never a goal in and of itself. It's like peace – peace is good as long as it allows the free market to come in and put a store there.
The US, Canada, UN, EU are involved to do this peacebuilding. I think the only thing that's missing in addressing these ethnic differences and conflicts is that they're putting the cart before the horse. They're talking about development, when in fact it's about Kachins and the Karens and the others, they're not fighting to establish a free-market, they're fighting to establish their own identities, to gain full recognition as political communities. When the West comes in and says that economic development will help de-escalate the conflict, actually the total opposite is what is happening. Maybe 20 years from today, anyone who does the history of development in Burma will write about the war in Kachin as the world's first war driven by developmental calculations. It's a war for development. It's a war about development. And this development is not about people, this development is about capital interest.

Burma was at one time the world's biggest rice-growing agricultural economy, so they see the potential for reviving this economy. The FAO came up with a paper in 2006 looking at the commercially expandable agricultural lands in Burma. The Burma delta is no longer commercially expandable – it's saturated and all the land that remains fertile and virgin are in the corporate areas. Kachins may be in the mountains, but they also have valleys. It's not just minerals, but if you look at the terraced agricultural methods like in Bali, Kachin State is at 4000m above sea level, but still with technology you can develop that. Economics is there. The Myitsone Dam project is a strategic plan by the regime.

PRAXIS: What is your take on the current political climate and discourse in Myanmar?
Zarni: People say, the process in Burma is not perfect, but everyone who uses that phrase – This isn't perfect but it's better than what we had before – No no, this is not better. Before we did not have genocide, we did not have a full-blown war against the Kachin. We did not have thousands of Burmese people displaced by mega-development projects. Now you have Burmese dissidents who enjoy support. The public in Burma knew who to side with. That's why all the backers against me came from the perception that I had crossed the line, was holding the generals' hands. That's a hand that you must not touch with a long hand. They are not speaking truth to power.
They provided a cover for everyone. They have all adopted the language of sovereignty and national security. They adopted these legal concepts of human rights, freedom, etc. Even recently Suu Kyi said, it's up to the Burmese people and up to the Burmese State to grant whether the Rohingya are citizens or not. That's the language of non-interference. That's the language of state sovereignty. There is nothing humanistic or compassionate about it. It's like look, we throw up a line and say don't say anything about the Rohingya and whether we should grant citizenship to them or not. It's our business. That's no different from the generals in the past saying, these are our internal affairs, so stay out. The '88 Generation leaders like Ko Ko Gyi said we have to match these national security threats and concerns with human rights and humanitarian concerns – well that is if you think that human rights and humanitarian concerns are conditional, and to me human rights are non-negotiable, whether you're a gay, or a cripple or a bisexual, so that is actually why I think morally the new scenario that is emerging is mixed. On the one hand there is a space where people can fight back, on the other hand structurally there are those against the people. It is harder to find allies and harder to know who are your enemies.

PRAXIS: It seems there might also be a generation gap between those who were present for 1988, and those born after 1990 who only know Myanmar, who don't know Burma, and pin all their aspirations on Aung San Suu Kyi. How do you see that tension moving forward?
Zarni: The younger generation's not stupid. The ones inside the country they are more critical, those who are in a position to contribute. They know that they can't solely rely on Aung San Suu Kyi anymore. No Burmese is going directly to her with the exception of cronies and generals for blessings. The interesting thing is that in the past a human rights dissident and Burmese intellectuals would approach her to seek her advice and blessings. And now, the cronies are approaching her, the generals are approaching her, while we are abstaining from her.
The whole notion and idea of leadership becomes much more amorphous and much more horizontal. The only problem is that the intellectual capacity of community organizations, leaders, is very, very low. It's not their fault. They're like third-degree products of the system. They are products of a system that doesn't want people to think. That's why it's extremely challenging. There are so many different transitions, but this transition is going to be the most excruciatingly difficult. We have a problem both with the regime and with the people. So who's going to lead the transition. In some places people are good, and they can take over, or they can run things. But in most situations I would be worried if NLD takes over the government today. I'm extremely angry that the generals are still ruling the country after 50 years. I wouldn't be angry if NLD takes over, I would be worried if NLD takes over. It's been hollowed out. Who are Suu Kyi's advisors? She doesn't want any talented Burmese to be around her because talented Burmese are ambitious and have self-interest. That's why on Rohingya and Kachin issues she isn't taking any purist position. She's taking calculated positions.

On the question of surrounding herself with talented Burmese she does take a purist position. She says all you have self-interest, you're all young ambitious people, and I don't want you around me. She wants good people around her, but not telling her what to do. Good people can be trained to talk. If we want a change for the people, I've come full-circle now. I started out as a grass-roots guy saying that we don't need to work with the elite and speak their language and hold their hands.

PRAXIS: If you were to chose one area to support in Myanmar that would breed the most positive change for the country and its people, what would you focus on?
Zarni: The change in Burma today is a product, almost of strictly a pact between the elites and Western strategic interests in Washington, the European Union, and the corporate interests that they represent, and Aung San Suu Kyi and her own parties intersts and the ruling military's interests. All these changes happened, or would not have happened, without this sustained push for change from the ground up, like the Arab Spring. We can't name a single Arab leader who is Mandela like, or Suu Kyi like, or Ghandi like, but you can't deny the fact that the Arabs on the street have been able to put popular pressure on regimes. Even against the house of Saud. What's really clear is that when elites make pacts, usually they sell the people's interests down the river. So if you really want change your number one focus will have to be the people. You have to find ways to educate people, to move people, to spread radical ideas. Without the people being involved in any change process it's just elite power deals. So there are two processes going on, one is the elite pact and the elite deals that is portrayed as the opening up of Burma with commercial and strategic interests, and then you have ethnic and religious minorities fighting back for their survival. They are fighting out of liberal principles, 99% of these people don't know what the word liberal means, but they fight back. When your land is taken away, the next thing you know you don't have any plot of land to grow rice or vegetables or for your chickens to go, so this isn't over. This is never over.

PRAXIS would like to thank Maung Zarni for his insights into the complex political, social and economic situation in Myanmar today.

UAE urges international community to find lasting solutions for Rohingya Muslim minority

Source WAM, 29 Sept
WAM NEW YORK, 28th September 2013 (WAM)-- The UAE has expressed concern over the acts of violence which target the Rohingya Muslim minority in Myanmar, and demanded the international community encourage the government of Myanmar to carry out its duty to put an end to these acts which contradict the basic principles of human rights, as well as to help the Rohingya restore their rights as a Muslim Minority in Myanmar.

The UAE also re-affirmed that it will continue to provide humanitarian aid to the victims of violence in Myanmar and to defend the legitimate rights of the Muslim minority in the country.

This came in the UAE's statement at the meeting of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) Contact Group on Rohingya, held in New York, USA, under the chairmanship of Prof. Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, the Secretary General of OIC, on the margins of the 68th United Nations General Assembly.

The UAE's statement at the OIC meeting in New York was read out by the Assistant Foreign Minister for International Organisations Affairs, Dr. Saeed Mohammed Al Shamsi.

The UAE official also demanded a unified and practical stance in order to motivate the United Nations and human rights bodies to take the necessary practical steps towards resolving the issue of the Rohingya Muslim minority and providing humanitarian and development aid.

This includes, according to the UAE statement, discussing the issue at the Human Rights Council, setting up of a fact-finding committee, continuous reporting on the issue by the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, and following up the issue by the UN Secretary General, as part of the UN's humanitarian and moral responsibilities, as well as backing all the aforementioned moves by a UN General Assembly resolution and any forms of international pressures towards finding a lasting solutions to the issue, preventing more sectarian conflicts and deterring extremists.

Thanking the OIC Secretary General for his efforts for the issue, Dr. Al Shamsi emphasised the need for coming up with practical recommendations and mechanisms to come up with a unified stance at the current UN General Assembly in order to find acceptable solutions to the issue of the Rohingya Muslim minority in Myanmar WAM/MMYS

Friday 27 September 2013

The world is Dead Ruthless to Rohingya, Isn’t it?

Source burmatimes, 26 Sept

BurmaTimes (Ibrahim Shah) According to the history, it is evident that the Rohingya ethnic minority of Arakan, western Burma inhabit there since even before the first invasion of Burmese intruder in 1044 AD.

Boats carrying Rohingya Muslims from Mya

The Burmese imperialists have been perpetuating crimes against Humanity or Rohingya imposing discriminatory territorial Acts perpetually since 1978.

The Burmese Hitlerite generals massacred Rohingya in reiteration by "hidden genocide"–discrimination, incrimination, land confiscation, change demographics resettling eastern untamed Buddhists whose profession is only robbery and theft. The most horrible Military operations against Rohingya are in — 1977-78, 1990-92.

Due to miscarriage of various previous Hidden genocide methods, the Burmese notorious successive generals imposed horrible fresh territorial Acts .The long massacre by marriage restriction since 1990 and the most terrible massacre by a deliberate deadly violence in amid June 2012 that is triggered to deprive the fundamental rights of Rohingya amid ongoing democracy.

Amidst the deadly violence in June, More than, 140,000 Rohingya are displaced, countless are missed and buried in mass graves, women are gang-raped and the corpses are thrown into forests by armies and Rakhine extremists , kidnapped many women and are subjected to be sex-slaves, confined the internal displaced people( IDP) in concentration camps and so on.

Due to reiterative miscarriage of gradual dead eradication of Rohingya, the Burmese genocidal regime imposed a new dehumanization Act— two child policy for Rohingya amid ongoing democratic reforms.

For "Completion of Rohingya Genocide" in a vast momentum, the quasi-civilian regime led by President Thein Sein has been carrying out three last genocidal policies simultaneously— postponement of available medication for Rohingya serious patients, deadly confinement in movement until Rohingya cannot earn daily necessities and birth control as "Two-Child Policy".

As well as, neighbor country Bangladesh recently passed a law for birth control of Rohingya. The Bangladesh authorities are utterly silent to the infiltration of the well-settled Mogh of western Burma who are involved with many crimes including smuggling Yaba Tablets.

Concurrently, Rohingya have been undergoing unprecedented persecution, starvation and unexpected diseases.

Thus,  it is deadly dreadful and crucially important to pay attention corporately to the several catastrophes that Rohingya undergo in the same breath today in their ancestral place western Burma.

Today, the Rohingya people flee desperately to escape the deadly persecution of the Burmese genocidal regime whether it is convenient or inconvenient—on foot and by wooden-boat.

Here is the climax of this article – The world is dead ruthless to Rohingya, Isn't it?— whenever Rohingya reach to any part of this earth, they are pushed back to oceans or hunted by human traffickers or imprisoned lifetime or beaten to acknowledge unwillingly as other nationalities except Rohingya.

Let's observe in the turn of respective victims of other nationalities—whoever seek asylum in any part of this world, on the double, they achieve higher dignity, protection and comfort in the same breath.

But, as asylum seekers or persecuted victims, there is no country to accept the vulnerable Rohingya who have been undergoing state-sponsored discrimination or hidden genocide since 35 years. ( )

In accordance with the observations of the Burmese dissidents, Rohingya activists and international media and observers, Rohingya undergo sudden death due to lack of proper medication and adequate food.

Accordingly, the possibility of dead extinction of Rohingya is extremely high within some years unless world bodies intervene in Rohingya issue immediately.

It is expressed with grave sorrow that the world is unawarely silent on the Rohingya plight.

Will the world be densely populated if the stateless Rohingya are granted residential cards until restoration of their deprived rights in their homeland, Burma?

No home or asylum for Rohingya in this ruthless world, in fact, it is miserable!

Writer will reached at

Sunday 22 September 2013

Nobody Buoy Rohingya in Cambodia for Asylum Seeker

Source Burmatimes, 21 Sept

Burma Times) Ibrahim shah – It is learnt accurately by our correspondent that about 32 Rohingya people in Cambodia are in dire situation who fled Burma desperately to escape discrimination of the Burmese Buddhist majority regime and finally reached there since 2010.

They are still out of refugee or asylum seeker status despite they pleaded many times to various NGOs, humanitarian organizations and UNHCR. In reiteration, many institutions interviewed them; however, in consequence it is in vain yet.

A brief statement of the Rohingya in Cambodia: Chris Lewa, founder and director of The Arakan Project visited in Cambodia in 19 may 2010 and returned after three days. During her stay with us, She had met with UNHCR, JRS, and head of the refugee-office in Cambodia and submitted our matter and consulted it with them evidently. She told us that certainly we would be granted refugee status on the double. She worked hard relentlessly to solve our matter with JRS and UNHCR. Reiteratively, due to miscarriage she advised us to contact with Rohingya organizations and other humanitarian organizations. JRS helps us only for rent roomwater and electricity except food. Here we cannot work since we are not granted officially as asylum seekers. For reiterative pleas to UNHCR, at last, told us that they can only help for medication.

Apparently, the Rohingya in Cambodia are not granted as asylum seekers yet despite Rohingya are recognized by UN as one of the worlds most persecuted ethnic minority group. They pleaded in reiteration to concerned authorities and several institutions to be granted officially as asylum seekers so that they could earn something for their daily necessities. Without official grant as asylum seekers, they spend their daily lives with dead sufferings. In point of fact, it is miserable to hear their tearful pleas that how they inhabit there as human beings without adequate food despite Rohingya are descended from Human beings.

Is the Rohingya commune not a part of this world?

Moreover, it is terribly deplorable that the world charitable organizations, UN, UNHCR, OIC and other humanitarian organizations are out of concern to the plea of some Rohingya for survival as human beings who are remained distressed since 2010 without official recognition as refugee in Cambodia.

If the UN declared Human right is not effective in the turn of human beings, when and for whom it will be effective?

Currently, it is crucial to concentrate the crisis of Rohingya in Cambodia who are conveniently forgotten by their fellow human beings.

Rohingya commune is the ethnic minority group who has been living in western Burma since immemorial decades and has been discriminated perpetually by the Burmese Buddhist majority regime.

The details of the Rohingya in Cambodia:


NO. Name S/O , D/O Village Family Township
01 Abu Khalid Abbas Ali Pocktopyin No Buthidaung
02 Jahid Sultan Ahamed Quarter  No. 1 No Buthidaung
03. Hafzu Rahman Roshid Ahamed Du Yong Pyin Gyi No Maungdaw
04 Mhd Tayub Sultan Ahamed Zawmated No Maungdaw
05 Abdullah   Kaangdong Yes Buthidaung
06 Mhd Zakaria   Yangma[Taungbazar] Yes Buthidaung
07 Mhd Rafiq Mhd Hasan Ba Assra No Sittwe
08 Mhd Zigar Jahid Hussain Darga Para No Maungdaw
09 Mhd Asad Ullah Mhd Haroon Zobbor Para No Buthidaung
10 Omar Sadek Ahamed Hussain   No Kyauktaw
11 Alyas Ahamed     No Kyauktaw
12 Mhd Akram Mhd Shafi Phawat Chaung No Maungdaw
13 Salim Abul Khair Sinyimbya Yes Buthidaung
15 Zafar Alam Saedd Alam Kyauk Chaung No Maungdaw
16 Dil Mhd Saeed Ahamed Kyauk Chaung No Maungdaw
17 Dil Mhd Sonali   Yes  
18 Nor Hashim Abdu Rakim Hnari Para Yes Pouktaw
19 Mhd Yusuf     No  
20 Mhd Zubair   Yangma/Taungbazar No Buthidaung

 Address in Cambodia:

No. 255, ST-598, Sangkat Phnom Penh Thmei,

Khan Russey Keo, Phnom Penh, Cambodia.

Friday 20 September 2013

Villagers beat, apprehend 30 policemen in Pyinmana

Source dvb, 20 Sept
A policeman is tied to a pole and held by villagers after a violent confrontation between residents in the village of Wegyi and police.A policeman is tied to a pole and held by villagers after a violent confrontation between residents in the village of Wegyi and police.

About 10 policemen have been hospitalised in Naypyidaw after a clash with residents in the Pyinmana suburb of Wegyi early on Thursday morning. The incident happened when police raided the house of a local National League for Democracy (NLD) member to arrest him for allegedly supporting local farmers who had defiantly begun ploughing land previously confiscated from them.

Zaw Latt, the NLD member in question, said about 30 policemen forcibly entered his house around 1:30am on Thursday and proceeded to beat him up until they themselves became prey to a large crowd of villagers who descended upon them when the man's wife started crying that bandits were raiding their house.

"The police rushed into our house – about four or five of them stamped on my neck and put handcuffs on me. They also attacked my wife and tried to tear off her clothes, and even punched my five-year-old daughter in the face," said Zaw Latt.

The villagers subsequently subdued the police and detained 27 of them until daybreak when dozens more police officers came to rescue their comrades.

"Around 200 armed policemen came at dawn, shouting warnings that they were prepared to use their guns, and dragged their fellow officers out of the village," said Zaw Latt.

An official at nearby Kyidaunggan police station confirmed the incident but declined to give furtherdetails.

Wednesday 18 September 2013

Sea Baby Among Rohingya Now Fleeing Indefinite Detention in Thailand

Source PhuketwanSeptember 17, 2013
PHUKET: A boy born on a boat off the coast of Thailand was among the Rohingya who fled a family refuge centre north of Phuket early today.
On the run: Baby born at sea Muhamad Hamid at a shelter in February

The group of eight women and children were in the province of Surat Thani tonight, having given themselves over to human traffickers rather than endure any longer a frustrating nine-month wait in Thailand.

The Phang Nga shelter north of Phuket, which once held more than 70 women and children, is now inhabited by a dwindling 29 Rohingya.

A 12-year-old boy, who fled Burma alone in December with no relatives awaiting him in Malaysia, cried while on the telephone to friends, telling them about his escape early today.

Unless he is able to find the 40,000 baht the traffickers will ask for his safe passage to Malaysia, he is likely to be sold onto a trawler or to a fish factory.

The previous night, another 10 Rohingya escaped from a different Thai family shelter in Prachuap Khiri Khan province.

Phuketwan has been told by usually reliable sources that human trafficking continues in Thailand in the same unrestricted way that it has flourished since the first Rohingya fled persecution in Burma many years ago.

Although there are about 1800 Rohingya still being held in government Immigration centres, police stations and family shelters, the sources say nearly twice that number are in traffickers' camps on the mainland or on islands along the Andaman Sea coast.

The scores of Rohingya who emerged from the jungle in the southern province of Songkhla on Thursday were part of a group waiting to be traded across the border to Malaysia, Phuketwan has been told.

In coming months, as the safe ''sailing season'' gets underway in earnest, more Rohingya are expected to flee Burma in unprecedented numbers, with many of them likely to pass through Thailand on their path to Malaysia.

Although several traffickers' camps were raided in January with Rohingya men, women and children taken into custody in Thailand, other camps and other victims have since taken their place.

It's perilous to sail in the monsoon season, yet many Rohingya have done so this year. Even more are expected to take to the sea between October and April, when it's safer.

Whatever point Thailand hoped to prove by ''rescuing'' from camps and boats hundreds of Rohingya who would have been in Malaysia within days has been lost. Nine months on, no practical Rohingya policy has been forthcoming.

The mass exodus from Burma is about to resume. And the level of desperation remains so high that more babies may be born at sea.

Now nine months old, Muhamad Hamid came into the world on a boat on December 24. Because his people are stateless and unwanted, there is no official record of his birth.

His mother, NuRu, 34, went into labor on the eleventh day of her voyage, so keen to flee ethnic cleansing in Burma that the possibility of giving birth at sea did not stop her.

Now on the run, she knows that Thailand offers no more hope than Burma. All she can do is hope that perhaps Malaysia will be different, if she can get there.

91 Illegal Immigrants from Rohingya Caught

Source beritajakarta, 17 Sept

BERITAJAKARTA.COM — 17/09/2013 22:42:31

As many as 91 illegal immigrants from Rohingya, Myanmar, were secured by Jakarta Police Water Police Directorate. They consist of 73 men, 12 women, and 6 children.

Vice Director of Jakarta Police Water Police Directorate, AKBP Tedi JS Marbun, said those Rohingyans were caught when they were sailing to Australia to look for political asylum.

"They were caught in a position about a mile of west side of Rambut Island on Monday (9/16) night at around 11.30 PM," he stated, Tuesday (9/17).

When caught, Marbun continued, the illegal immigrants were aboard Usaha Baru Motorboat (KM) from fish market at Tanjung Pasir, Tangerang.

"So, the motorboat rented to take the illegal immigrants is also secured. Now, the boat's captain named Palandang (53), who is from East Nusa Tenggara (NTT), and two boat crews are being questioned. I think there is a network that often takes immigrants through Christmas Island," he uttered.

It is planned that these 91 illegal immigrants to be handed over to the immigration for further process.