The Nation | August 12, 2012 |
The heart-wrenching photographs of
dinghy borne Rohingya families begging for their survival from the
maritime patrols of Bangladesh, to let them through and to safety of
refugee camps are powerful enough to melt hearts of stone. Yet, there is
a stunning silence commanding the global podiums and the countries
claiming to be the torchbearers of human rights. The migratory wave of
these wretched Muslims, primarily inhabiting the Arakan province of
Burma, has been caused by a large-scale orgy of killing, rape and mass
arrest, involving the Rakhines inhabitants and the Burmese security
forces, following widespread sectarian violence that broke out in June
this year. A human tragedy of stupendous magnitude is in the making, as
Bangladesh has refused to accept the refugees from across the border and
has ordered three international aid agencies - the French aid
agencies ‘Doctors Without Borders’, ‘Action Against Hunger’ and the
British agency ‘Muslim Aid’ - to wrap up their operations providing
sustenance to the refugees. These charities were providing health care,
food and water to thousands of refugees in the Cox’s Bazaar district of
Bangladesh. Bangladeshi rationale is that the economic stamina of the
country cannot sustain a permanent burden of the refugees, who have no
place to turn back to. This tragedy has been in the making since
decades, whereby longstanding tensions between the Rakhine people, who
are Buddhist and make up majority of Arakan State’s population, and the
Rohingyas’ Muslim population has been simmering. The upheaval poignantly
serves to place into spotlight the dispossession of the Rohingya
population, which remains alien in a country that has been inhabited by
their forefathers for at least a millennium.
The ethnic Rohingyas
are Muslim by religion with distinct
culture and civilisation of their own. The Rohingya Muslims whose
settlement in Arakan dates back to many centuries are not a monolithic
ethnic entity, which developed from one tribal group affiliation or a
single racial stock, but are an ethnic group that developed from
different stocks of people. The nucleus to this group was provided by
the Arab seafarers, who had visited and settled in the area since the
pre-Islamic days and embraced local life and culture. A major influx of
Rohingya ancestors came in the 14th century when the Arakan king,
dethroned by Burmese, sought help from Jalaluddin Muhammad Shah of
Bengal, who sent thousands of soldiers, many of whom chose to settle
here. Later, other ethnic groups like the Mughals (Mughal Prince Shah
Shuja sought asylum in 1660), Turks, Persians, Central Asians, Pathans
and Bengalis also moved into the territory and mixed with these
Rohingyas. When the British colonised Burma in the 19th century, a major
wave of Indian immigrants arrived that curtailed the economic prospects
for the locals and initiated a process of discrimination, which
entrenched itself even as the Indian influx reversed with the arrival of
the Japanese during World War II. The Burmese xenophobia, which
intensified after the war, is manifestly based over the fallacious logic
that Rohingyas are the foreign carpetbaggers denying economic space to
the indigenous people; notwithstanding the fact that the majority of
these poor subsistence farmers in the Arakan province are much like
their Buddhist neighbours in terms of economic standing.
The
situation worsened with arrival of the military on the political scene.
Under the regime of General Ne Win in 1962, the Muslim residents of
Arakan were wrongfully labelled as illegal immigrants, who owed their
presence to the influx of Indian workers during the days of British Raj.
While formulating such pernicious position, the historical and
cultural aspects of Rohingyas presence in Arakan were blatantly
ignored. The Burmese government began all-out efforts to drive out the
persecuted ethnic minority from Burma starting with the denial of their
citizenship. The 1974 Emergency Immigration Act took away Burmese
nationality from the Rohingyas, making them foreigners in their own
country. The army attacked the Rohingyas and drove some 200,000 of them
into Bangladesh in 1978 in a campaign marked by widespread killings,
mass rape and destruction of mosques. Then followed the 1982 Burma
Citizenship Law that effectively reduced them to the status of the
stateless; forbidding the community to travel without permission, own
land and requiring the couples to get a licence before marriage;
committing not to have more than two children. The year 1991 witnessed
another massive genocidal campaign, supervised by the military, to drive
out the Rohingyas into Bangladesh, marked by the well established
pattern of death, rape and destruction of mosques.
It is now
apparent that the genocide of Muslims through a campaign of officially
sponsored ethnic cleansing of Rohingyas from their ancestral abode in
North Arakan has acquired a political relevance in Burma that can only
be stemmed by a strong willed global effort to reverse the diabolic
trend. The military rulers have used the ploy of ethnic divisions to
justify prolonging their unethical rule and in the process have
unleashed demons of hatred that are difficult to restrain. It is
astonishing to note that the sufferings of the Rohingyas are cause of no
concern to many otherwise good-natured Buddhists; prominent among those
being the Dalai Lama himself, who even though a Tibetan is the
spiritual leader of the Buddhist, most of whom in Burma, rather
uncharacteristically, consider Rohingya bloodshed as fair game.
The
official Burmese position that Rohingyas, despite the long history of
their stay
in Arakan, have entered the country illegally, justifying the
government’s stance to conduct a campaign of ethnic cleansing against an
800,000-strong minority, is untenable. The dire situation calls for a
global response, led by the UN, to find a solution of consensus that
should, in the long run, accommodate the basic rights of the Rohingya
people alongside the rigid and myopic stance of the Burmese government,
which is bent upon dispossessing Burma’s established minority of its
legitimate inheritance.
n The writer is a freelance columnist.
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